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G. WooDFALL, Printer, AtifS^\ Conrt, Skinner Street, Lon«k)n. 


or XHS . < I i 





Charles stuart, second son of 

James I. king of Great BritsuQt by Ann ot 
Denmark, was bonj at Dumfermting, in 
Scotland, November the 19th, 1600 \ He 
was baptized on Tuesday Becemlber the 
23d, in the royal chapel, by David Lindsay, 
bishop of Ross, with great solemnity, ac* 
cjording to Mr. Carte* ; though other writers 
give a different account *. 

' Though other writers give a different $iG«oun(u] 
Calderwood speaks of the birth of prince Charles^ but 
mentions not a word about his baptism. ' He was boro^ 

« Bormdiitr 8 Ufo of OwiHbes i vMted to hM 

^Cvte'i Hktoryof EofUod* yvl HL »* 67$U JMn X4iri. H^ 


At three years old he was committed to 
the care and government of Sir Robert 
Gary's lady ; and in his fourth year he was 
brought to the English court, where he was 
made Knight of tlie Bath, and invested with 

sa^s he, upon the 19th of November, about eleven 
liours at night, the same day that Gowrie and his bro- 
tlier's carcasses were dismembered '.' Spotswood ob- 
serves, ihat ' hia cliristeniug was hastened because of 
the weakness of the child, and that his death was much 
feared''.' Thus also Pcriiichief, in the very page refer- 
red to in the text, tells us, ' that he was born in so 
much weakness, that his baptism was hastened, without 
the usual ceremonies wherewith such royal infants are 
admitted into the church,' Here are very different ac- 
counts, we see, of tlie baptism of this prince; but which 
is most worthy of belief must be left to the reader to 
determine. All I shall^ay is, that if the young prince 
had received the beneiil of episcopal baptism, (a bene- 
fit never sufficiently to be valued, in the opinion of 
some very grave and learned writers % as it gives spe- 
cial privileges and advantages both here and hereafter) 
it is amazing that archbishop Spotswood and doctor 
Perinchief should either have been ignorant of it, or 
neglected to have mentioned it. But truth is frequently 
brought to light by time ; and Mr. Carte, an hundred 
und fifty years after the ceremony was perfonned, tells 
us the name of the bishop, the solemnity used, and the 
place where it was used, when all oth«n seem to hare 

■ Caldimood'a Hiitorr of the Cbonh of Scotland, p. 446. fi 
P^inb. I6S0. * HiiUry of the Church of Scatland, p. 4til. fi 

Loai. IGSS. ' Sm Dodwrlt's EpiMoluy Diicourse cooceroiiig ti 

Morttlit; of Hamu SouU. Svo. Lend. 17(U. 



the title of duke of York. The parliculai-s 
of that solemnity, as they may be accepta- 
ble to some readers, I will give in the note '. 

known nothing about it ! However, such as have oppor- 
tunity may consult MS, in Offic. Leon reg; Armor, the 
authority referred lo, in hia margin, by Mr, Carte, 
for it'. 

' The particulars of that solemnity I will give in the 
note.] We are indebted to Sir Dudley Carleton for 
the following account, whicli was contained in a letter 
to Mr. Winwood, written from London, Jan. 1604- — 
' On Twelfth-day we had the creation of duke Charles, 
now duke of York : the interim was entertained witb 
making knights of the Bath, which was three day* 
work. They were eleven in number, besides tbelitne 

* TMs MS. 90 pmnpouslj' quoted by Mr. Carle, ia, I apprehend, iheramc 
piece wbkb ii primed \a the Appendix to (he Atlempt tovgrds dw Ch>- 
racteroftfae Royal Martyr King Charles I. Lond. 6vo. I'i^S, which iisaU 
to be cojned from a MS. in the Lyori''s Office, written by John Biiiuele, 
Ilsy-hereld, uho assisled at Ihc baptism : I say, 1 apprehend Carte's MSL 
and tbii to be one and the same thing, bctiauie it gives enctly the ume 
account of the pomponi baptii;m of Char]», by David Undaay, biihop of 
Ron, vitb what Carte quotes fmm his MS. But from the printed account 
the HS. appears to be an arrant forgery, the work of some ignorant peraoii, 
nho kneo not the timet of which he nas writing, and coiuequeatty hit 
work most be mere ioT^ntion : for he represents tUc ChiiKellor Cas9il<i as 
ptesentatthe solemnity, though there wasnusuchchanceliar then mbfiogi 
and he tells ui, that monsieur de Rohan, a nobleman of Brittany, and hi* 
brotber, called monueur de Soubisc, were his Mfieity's gossips ; though lb« 
Scotch historians never mention their being in that kingdom. In short, lb* 
writer of the accoont given in that Appendii, [which yet is hot a <)iiala>. 
tion irom a book printed at London, 1716. by Mr. Henry Cantrc), calld 
the Royal Martyr a IruB Christian) evidently appears to have bad mors 
iceal for the episcopal baptism of Charles than regard to truth, or even hi* 
own character. Authors that invent history, have so many cireuuistanca 
to conuder and provide for, to render their ■(.'counts consiatenl 
need a far more extensive knowledge than generally falls tot 
Bucb writMi, to secure them frtun detection and ceotempt. 


' "- ■•^— -^— 


In the sixth year of his age he wat cosOr 
mitted to the tuition of Mr. Thomas Murray, 
a person well qualified for that office, though 

duke, all of the king's choice. The solemnity of the 
creation was kept in the hall, where first the duke waA 
broiight in, accompanied with his, knights; then CftN 
ried out again, and brought back by earls in their rotes 
of the Garter. My lord-admiral bare him, two others 
went as supporters, and six marched before with the 
ornaments. The patent was read by my lord of Cihd- 
borne, and drawn in most eloquent law Latin by Mt. 
Attorney ; but so, that we have a duke of York in title, 
but not in substance. There was a public dinner in 
the great chamber^ where there was one table for the 
duke and his earls assistants, -another for his fellow- 
knights of the Bath. At night we had the qi»een's 
mask in the batiquetting house, or rather her ptgeht. 
Ther^ was a great engine at the lower end of the rg^ip, 
which had motion, and in it were the images of sea- 
horses, with other terrible fishes, which were ridden by 
Moors. The indecorum was, that there was dl fish 
and iio water. At the further end was a gteat shell in 
form of a skallop, wherein were four seats. On the 
lowest tat the queen, with my lady Bedfonl ; on the 
rest vrett pliuced the ladies Suffolk, Darby, Rich, Effing- 
ham, Aim lierbert, Susan Herbert, Elizabeth Howard, 
Wakingham, and Bevil. Their apparel was rich, but too 
light and curtezan-like for such great ones. Instead 6f 
vizards, their faces and arms, up to the elbows, were 
painted black, which disguise was sufficient ; for they 
were hard to be known : but it became them nothing to 
well as their red and white ; end you cannot imiagine 
a more ugly .sight, than a troop of lean-cheeked Moors. 
The Spanish and Venetian ambassadors were both pre- 


a favourer' of presbytery V- Under this 

seat, and sat by the king in state; at which monsieur 
Beaumont quarrels so extremely, that he saith the 
whole court is Spanish. But, by his favour, he should 
Ml out with none but himself; for they were all indi& 
ferently invited to come as private men to a private 
sport ; which he refusing, the Spanish ambassador wil- 
lingly accepted, and being there, seeing no cause totiie 
contrary, he put off Don Taxis, and took upon him El 
Senor Embaxadory wherein he outstrips our little Mon* 
sieur. He was privately at the first mask, and sat 
amongst his men disguised : at this he was taken out 
to dance, and footed it iike a lusty old gallant with his 
countrywoman. He took out the . queen, and forgot 
not to kiss her hand, though there was danger it would 
have lefl a mark on his lips. The night's work was 
concluded with a banquet in the great chamber, which 
was so furiously assaulted, 4;hat down went table and 
tresses before one bit was touched **/ The reader per« 
haps is disposed to smile at the indecorum mentioned 
I^ Sbr Dudley, and to censure the light and curtezan<« 
like fttiire of the ladies ; hilt dbe.present age has littk 
TfH>m io exult over them wsvA iie^ftM to proprietir or 
deoeney, M jthose who iNieaoquainted with pulilti 
piaoes And fii^Uc entertiWAents^ well know. 

* Thomas Murray, a favourei: of presbytery.] This 
is a fact not to be disputed^ Tbare is a letter in -the 
Cabala from Dr. Williams, bishop of Lincoln, and lord- 
keeper to the duke of Euckingham^ dated Feb. £S, 
16&1, concemkig the promotion of l|iU' gmtfeman to 

the provostsh^ of Eton. In Ait letter, WilliamJi 

■■"■•'■ ■■'■.'».. • ' 

» WimrMcCfe McnoiWitfJAHi of State, v<a. U. p* 43. friio. Umd.^'m. 



tutor he was so diligent and studious, that 

complains ' of the dispensation given him, who was a 
meer layman, to holtl a place nhich was a Uving witli 
cure of souls ; intimates his suspicion of his being 
averse to our church-government; and declares, that 
he thinks it will be no disparagement to him, though 
he had been his highness's schoolmaster, to take 
orders.' And in his postscript be says, he ' has since 
seen Mr. Murray; finds him averse to the priesthood. 
If the king will dispense with him, my letter notwith- 
slanding, adds he, I humbly beseech his Majesty to 
write a letter unto me, as a warrant to admit him only 
ad curam Sf regimen coKegii, instead ol' the other word 
ad curiim anmaram. I schooled him soundly against 
puritanism, which he disavows, though somewhat faint- 
ly. I hope his highness and the king will second it*.' 
However, Mr. Murray had the provostship ; in which, 
on his death, he was succeeded hy the learned Sir 
Henry Woolon, who, notwithstanding his having been 
on many embassies, entered into holy orders, agreeably 
to the statutes of the college *'.^It is very remarkable, 
I think, that some of the greatest foes of the puritans 
were educated among them! James was instructed hy 
Buchanan ■=; Charles by Mr. Murray. The late earl of 
Oxford was trained up amongst the dissenters, as well 

'Cabals, p. 289. fbl. Lond. 1663. " See his Ufe prefixed to 

Reliquix WoUPnianx. , 

*The piiritaniral education of Chiirles g«»e great conctni to Dr. An-. 
drews, bisliop of, who, on the king's being gick in Ifilfl, bewailed the 
' sad condition of the'Churrh. if God should at that time detertnine the 
days of the king ; the prince being then only conTCraant nitb Scotchmen, 
vhich tnai'i up the gTtatettpartof bis family, and were ill-afTected to the 
EOverDDiciit and vonbip of the church of England.' — PeriDchief'B Life ot 
Charles, p. 3. See alao fiiimcl, *o). I. p, 94. Dutch edit, in IQnira 
Bnt his f^rs, we shall lind, were without foundation. 





he fai" advaaced in learning ; insomuch thai! t 
liis brother prince Henry taking notice of i^ ^ 
by way of jest, put the cap of archbishop \ 
Abbot (who was then with the prince and f 
the duke, and other of the nobihty, waiting i 
in the privy-chamber for the king's coming | 
out) on his head ; adding if he was a good' 
boy and minded his book, he would make 
him one day archbishop of Canterbiu-y. 
On the death of his brother, Nov. 9, l6l2* 

as his and their antagonist Bolingbroke: for thougQ 
the writer of his life strenuously endeavours to sboil'j 
that he never was educated in dissenting principlea^ijP 
yet, I think, the contrary may unanswerably be proved ] 
from his own words''. Lord Wharton, in his speech i 
on the&chiam-bill,Aiino 1714, observed,'That he could | 
not but wonder, that the persons that had been educat* I 
ed in dissenting academies, which he could point ^J 
and whose tutors he could name, should appear 1 
most forward in suppressiog them. That this woul 
be but an indifferent return for the benefits the pubUc J 
had received from those schools which had bred those 
great men, who had made so glorious a peace, aa 
treaties that execute themselves ; who had obtained a 

* Mumoin of the Life and MioiBtecial Cooiluct of Lord BoJingbroi 

p. aa.a¥o. Lood. nis. 

* Id lord Bolingbrofce's letter to Mr. Pope, st the end of his leUer fl'^ 
Sir WitliBm Wyndham, Bpeaking of Chrysostom's homiliei, be ndd^ , 
* which puis me id mind of a puritanical parsmi, (Dr. Manton) who, if t J 
mlMake nut, for I have never looked into the folio BJnce 1 was a boy, a^ 4 
(Condemned somelimet to read in it, made one huadred and nineteen M 
mons on the hutidred and ninutueatb pedIib.' See Letter to Wfodban 

|i. >S0. Bvo. Load. 1753. 


he' HittCcedtHl him in the dukedom of Cotn-- 
>ifall5 and at the age of sixteen he was 
created prince of Wales, and had a court 
formed ifor him. 

Tboughhehad had agreat aversion t<>T?ajxla 
Villiers, duke of Buckingham, whose ittso^ 
Itettce was great, yet a friendship itiviolabJe 
stacceedied, cotttrary to the expectations of 
many. At his instigation, and iia his com- 
pahjr, tliis prince Veilt into Spain, in order 

greirt advantages for onr comitf€re*, arid who hftd paid 
the pubfic ctebts without farther chiurge to the MlScte : 
so thM he ^ould see no reaaoa there was t6 vuf^imii 
those acddemies^ unlete it wer^ ah apprab^iota tbaiC 
they !mrght still produce greater genit:r866> ihut shofkld 
^own the Stents and abilities of those great teeh */*--- 
But, however, in justice to tnamy great men edtteatti.-^ 
iteong ttie pfttritafts, it mu^ be said that they W^ere nftft ' 
¥ngran^^ though they continued not with thetn. 
W-ludiodfe, Wilkins, and TiHotson, among the clei^ ; 
thie earl 'of Whloton, the lord-chancellor King, ambng 
thfe laity, with lifeveral others, who frotn time to ttraie 
h«!?elittdiEleats in bol!h houses, have shewed their esteein 
find friendship for them, by defending them agaidft 
their adversaries, and bearing testimony to their inno- 
cency, lioyalty, and learnifig, — Which behaviour, aa i| 
manifests more gratitude^ so likewise does ittpxDoeed 
from truier palriotiBm than its opposite. THr thfe |taii» 
tans imve biisii bated, revited/aad oppressed, cbJEcAy 
cm account 6f thfiir firm attachment to civil liberty, 

* ■ " ■ 

' Torirack^FsiUnNntery Ddwtci, vol. VL p. SI6. 8^ LonML iTIl. 


r *«• 


to conclude the match that had been so long 
B^otMtiog with the Infanta^; where Ixi 
behared with great politeness^ and was re* 

and the constitution of their country. ' By the hilla for 
preventing occasional conformity and the growth of 
schism, it was hoped that their [the dissenters] sting 
^ould be taken away/ says Boliugbroke. And again, 
says he, ' These bills were thought necessary for our 
party-interest*.' What that party-interest was, is but 
too well known ; as likewise what he and his coadj u* 
tors aimed at : and therefore it cannot but be esteemed 
an honour to any body of men to be ill treated by such 
as were ready to sacrifice their country to their own 
ambition and lust of power. 

'* At Buckingham's instigation, and in his company, 
be went into iSpain, &c.] The n^otiations for a match 
with the Infanta of Spain began about the year I6I& 
The Spaniards at first intended only lx> amuse king 
James, and hinder him firom interfering in the affiiim 
of Germany. At length they seem to have been sin^ 
cere, and determined to conclude it. The duke of 
Buckingham then, out of ' envy to the earl of Bristol^ 
(who bad the sole management of the affair) one day 
•insinuated to the prince the common misfortune of 
pnnce^.that injK^Jj^tantial apart of th^ happinesi 
in this world aardhpendod upon their marriage, thein^ 
selv^had neycr aqfilNVtji but must receive only an 
account from others of ti^e nature and hamovi^ and 
beauljy of tl^.ladi^ they were to marry: and tho«e 
reports seklpm iuroce^^ from persons totally unin«- 
iere^ted^ by^ f eaion of the parts they had acted toward* 
such gr^pi^i^ti^M* JB'rom ihence he discoursedy how 
gillla^t and how irave a thing itwouldhejft>rbi{i'kigh'* 


ceived with much respect : though, through 
the means of his favourite, the match was 
broke off, and a quarrel ensued between the 
two nations. 

ness to make a journey into Spain, and to fetch home 

his mistress; that it would put an end presently to all 
those formaliliea, which, (though all substantial matters 
were agreed upon already) according to the style of 
that court, and tlic slow progress in all things of cere- 
mony, might yet retard the Infanta's voyage into Eng- 
land many months, all which wouSd in a moment be 

removed by his highness's i 

presence; that it 

would be such an obligation to the Infanta herself, a 
she could never enough value or requite, and, being a 
respect rarely paid by any other prince, upon the like 
addresses, could proceed only from the high regard 
and reverence he had for her person ; that in the great 
affair, that only remained undetermined, and was not 
entirely yielded to, though under a very friendly deli- 
beration, which was the restoring the Palatinate, it was 
very "rirobahle that the king of Spain himself might 
chuse, in the instant, to gratify his personal interposi- 
tion, which, in a treaty with an ambassador, might be 
drawn out in length, or attended with overtures of 
recompence by some new concessions, which would 
create new difficulties ; however, that the mediation 
could not but be frankly undertaken by the Infanta 
herself, who would ambitiously make it her work, to 
pay a part of her great debt to the prince ; and that 
he might, with her, and by her, present to his majesty 
the entire peace and restitution of his family, which by 
no other human means could be brought to pass.' 

' These discourses made so deep an impression on 
the mind and spirit of the prince, (whose nature was 


Some things being dropped by the duke 
in his narrative of the transactions in Spaio,- J 
which were thought to reflect liigfaly on the ] 
honour of his catholic majesty, by his am- 

inclined to adventures) that he was transported witbT 
the thought of it, and most impatieally solicitous tot 'i 
bring it to pass '.' 

Thus having, with much difficulty, gained the king's i 
consent, his highness, with Buckingham, set out with . 
very few attendants, unknown lo the court, and through ' 
France travelled into Spain incognito. His arrival 
being so titled to that court, he was treated with all 
imagthtthie civility and respect, and had part of the 
royal palace fitted up for him. 

Whilst in Spain, he shewed his gallantry; for t 
derstanding ' that the Infanta was used to go some 
mornings to the Casa da Campo, a summer-house of 
the king's on the other side of the river, to gather May- 
dew, he rose parly, and, accompanied with one gentian' 
man, went thither, and was let into the house and into 
"ibegmden; hut the infanta was in the orchard, and'J 
lliere being a high partition-wall between, and the 
door double-bolted, the prince got on the top of the 
wall, and sprung down a great height, and so made t(^ . 
wards her ; but she spying him first of all the rest, gave ' 
a shriek, and ran back. The old marquis, that wa# *'i 
then her guardian, came towards the prince, and f^ 
on his knees, conjuring his highness to retire, in regard 
he hazarded his head if he admitted any to her com- 
pany ; so the door was opened and he came out under 
that wall over wiiich he got in".' This adventure, W 

* Ctarendon't Hiitory of the Rebellion, vol. I. p. 11. Svo. Omd, 1 
■> Howell's Letters, p. 119. Gvo, Land. llOi. 



bassadors, Buckingham's head was demand* 
ed by them ; but he had the good forluurt I 
to be justified by the lords, and praised bjf J 
the king, though as will appear in tiie note*^ J 

much in the taste of the Spaniards, with ' his watuhiiu 
an hour together id a close coach in the open street M 
see her as she went abroad, tlie bravery of his Joumej4 
and his discreet comportnient, made them much takeq^ 
with him, and say, that never princess was courte(b1 
with more gallantry V But the Infanta was not detn| 
tined for Charles ; for notwithstanding the favour wt^ 
which he was treated by the catholic king, notwitb*.^ 
standing the preparations made for a marriage, the 
wishes of his father, and his own fond desire and a£- 
fection, Buckingham (such is the power of a favourite!) j 
found means to prevent it. For his pride and haugh- . 
tinesswere disagreeable to the Spaniards, proud as they. I 
themaelves were : his carriage was scandalously indfr- j 
cent*; he disgusted the coode d'Olivares, and, in [e.Ci 

■Kole 4 ttwardi the end. " Honel'a LettBrs, p. 90, 2t . 

' In the Cnbala there is a letter, ai Ignoto tu the king, highly refloctiM 
on Buckingham ; and, among otlier thiog», his majesty m retfiiesUi i 
'mquire of those that come out alBytia, whether the duke of Guckii^^ 
bun did not many things agalnlt <til« *iithority uid reverence da 
most illustrions prince [Cbatles] ? Whether he vaa not wont to be sittinf 
•hilat the prince stood, and was in presence, anJ also having hii feet re 
ing upon another seat, after an indcocnt manner? Whi>ther, when th« 
prince vbb uncovered, nhilst the queen tnd infanta looked out at tfa* . 
vildovR, he unoovored Jiie head or no ! Whether he ncre not 
come into the prince's ohamber with his clothes half on, «o that thedoora 
coold not he opened to [hem that came to visit the prince from thi 
Spsio, thedoor-keepenrefusing togwin (br modesty'* sdke? WhethorW" 
didnDtcalMbepnnoebyridiculDns names? Whether hedid not dbhonour 
and profane the king's palace wilh t>ase and contemptible women ? Who. 
thet he ditl Dot divers obscene things, and used not immodest gesticuU- 
tions, and nnton tricks with players, in the preienceof the prince t' &c. 
ke. Cabala, p. NG. 



H he was greatly offended with him, and 

K meditated his ruin. However, the Spanish 
H ambassadors were not disheartened ; but 

f found means (by a writing privately con- 

veyed into his hands, as well as by their < 
agents secretly admitted into his presence) ! 
strongly to insinuate into the king, that he I 
was besieged by the duke's servants, and l 

turn, was disgusted by him ; and things were come to 
inch an height betweeo him and the Spanish ministers, 
that they scrupled Qot to profess, ihey would rath«r, . 
put the Infanta into a well headlong, than into hSi j 
hands'. The kuowledge of these things highly di» I 
gnsteil the English favourite, who ceased not to inspire I 
the prince with sentiments different from those which ] 
occasioned his journey. Under pretence of the sca-^ 
•on's being far advanced, the uncertainty of the arrival 
of the dispensation from the pope, and the impatience I 
of the people of England at his long absence, he de- J 
termined to depart ; though not without ieavinga proxy 1 
behind him to finish the marriage. This being men- '4 
tioned by the prince to the king of Spain, he consent- 
ed to his departure; adding withal, 'That he would 
take it for a favour if he would depute him to personate 
him; and ten days after the dispeneation shonld come 
from Rome, the business should be done, and after- 
wardi he might send for his wife when he pleased V i 
Soon after, the king and his two brothers accompanied 
his highness about twenty miles, and wonclerful ' 

« 1 
*C*bal9, p. 98. fol, LoDd. 1663. Eeliquis WoUimiaiife, p. 213. 8 vo. 
Lond. 161a. Ruihworth's Historical Collectioni, \a\- 1. p. 363. fol. L/>ni. 
\65». 'Howet'iLetlen.p. 1!9. 





was no more a free man ; that he was to be 
confined to his country-house and pastimes, 
the prince having years and parts answer- 
able to public government; that the duke 
had reconciled himself to all popular men, 
and sought to raise an opinion of his own 
greatness, and to make the king grow less; 
and that all looked towards the rising sun. 

endearments and embraces : passed between them. 
Prince Charles immediately went on board a royal fleet 
which attended for him; and after having been in 
great danger in the road at St. Andero, safely arrived 
in England, where he was received with tlie utmost joy 
and transport. ' To tell your lordship whatjoy is here 
for the prince's return,' (says Sir James Palmer, in a 
letter to Robert earl of Leycester, dated Roiston, Oct. 
13, 1623,) ' no one man's expressions can inform you, 
nor can the preachers in their sermons do enough 
(though all strive to outdo one another) in that 
kind".' But though a proxy was left behind in thehands 
of Digby earl of Bristol, to amuse the Spanish court ; 
yet orders were privately sent to him, upon no terms 
to make use of it, till further orders were received with 
relation to it. Soon after the prince's departure the 
dispensation from Rome arrived, and it was concluded 
the marriage would be accomplished. But the imme- 
diate restitution of the Palatinate was now demanded, 
though that was known to be impossible, (however by 
the Spaniards not held unjust) who professed ' the 
desponsorio's past, the Infanta on her knees should 
have been a suitor to the king to testore the Falati- 

^idnsy'i SUte-papera, vol. IL p. 037. Sal. Load. 1146. 



Whereupon they advised the king, says 
Rushworth ^, to free himself from this cap- 
tivity and imminent danger, and to cut off 
so ungrateful an affector of popularity and 
greatness ; and so he should shew himself to 
be, as he was reputed, the oldest and msest 
king in Europe. These, and many other 
things of a like natm'e, which were privately 
represented to his majesty by means of ilie 

Date, makiag it thereby her act, and drawing the obli- 
galion wholly to her''.' This breach of the intended 
marriage with Spain was highly acceptable to the 
EngUsh nation, who viewed it with horror ; and there- 
fore Buckingbani was greatly applauded by all ranks of 
people, for bringing back the prince in safety. The 
popular favour now enabled him to bring about what 
he had meditated before his return : for in spite of 
James his master, and contrary to what was well known 
to those concerned in the transactions to be truth, lie 
averred before the parhament, that the Spaniards never 
intended to bestow the Infanta on Charles, or get the 
Palatinate restored to his brother-in-law. To this 
Charles himself also gave his testimony, before the 
■ame august assembly. Whereupon the parliament 
advised the breaking off the treaties ; promised his 
majesty assistance; and troops were immediately rais- 
ed to recover the Palatinate. A rupture likewise with 
Spain ensued, to the great grief of his majesty : ' who, 
■ays lord Clarendon, when he was informed of what 
the duke had so confidently avowed, for which he had 

' KulhwOTth, vol. I. p. 1 *+. 

> Id. vol. Lii.ll>. 



Holland) and Carlisle were appointed to 

negotiate it. 

In a short time, every thing was agreed- 
on, and great rejoicings were made, both at 
Paris and London, on account of tlie con- 
clusion of the marriage-treaty, which con- 
tained articles equally as favourable to the 
English catholics as that sworn to with 
Spain. But the death of James, which 
happened March 27, 1625, (not without 

he hath done himself this right with me, that I dis- 
cern his sufficiency more and more'." — " The dehcacy 
of the keeper's wit", says a certain writer, " in unrid- 
dling this mystery, came not short of that of Cicero, in 
finding om the hottom of Catihne's conspiracy V I 
will not at all detract from the wit and dexterity of 
Williams, in unravelling this alfair to the prince and 
duke;(though how consistent this correspondence with 
a courtezan was with the character of a bisliop and a 
lord-keeper, the reader will determine:) but I cannot 
let this piece of history pass without observing, 1. The 
obsequiousness of this right reverend and right honour- 
able father in God, Williams, towards the duke of 
Buckingham ; and how solicitous to curry favour with 
him, tliough remarkable for vile behaviour, both poli- 
tical and moral. Doubtless, he must have been very 
mindful of the duties of both his functions, who spared 
no cost to get intelligcnct; of every hour's occurrences 

• B^hopHacket'sMemoinoflheLiffof Archbishop Williamsabiiitgeil, 
r- la.'iJ, 74. LonrI, 8to. 1715. * Ijves oftbe Lord ChaiiceJiDn, 

v*i. 11. p, in. ijjDd, bto. nis, 



causing " suspicions against Buckingham, 
and even prince Charles) prevented the con- 

et court, and devoted his midnight hours to unravel 
political intrigues. 

1. The strict connexion between the prince and 
Buckingham is from hence very apparent. As is, in the 

3d place. The dissimulation of James, so very re- 
markable through his whole life. For though, on the 
sight of the papers presented, he affecletl to talk of 
the Spanish ambassadors as no better than traitors ; 
of his being grieved for having suspected them, and 
of the clearness of their iiinocency ; yet it is very 
probable, that in his heart he never forgave Bucking- 
ham, nor was wholly pleased with the prince, who 
adhered to him, and acted contrary to his express 
will and desire in the impeachment and sentence of the 
earl of Middlesex '. 

' The death of king James, whidi happened— —not 
without causing suspicions against the duke of Buck- 
ingham, and even prince Charles, ficc] Tlie grounds 
for suspecting that Backingbam poisoned king James, 
I have very particularly set forth in another place*. 
But the suspicions against Charles, his son, are now 
to be mentioned; the impartiality of history requires 
it. It is well i;nown tfie honse of commons, among 
other articles of impeachment against the duke of 
Buckingham in 1626, inserted one concerning the 
plaisters administered by him to king James, which, 
according to them, occasioned his death. The duke, 
in his defence, denied the charge, and protested his 
innocency : but the commons declared they were ready 
to prove it on him, unless prevented; which diey 

^ See the preceding volume. 

» THE lilFE OF 

summation gf it ; thpugU soon afterward^ 

(the duke of Buckingham being sent to con-r 

were, ty a dJasolulioti- Upnn this % ebm-ge is framed 
against prince Charles, as if be was concerned in tlie 
fact, and therefore uBwilliug it should undergo a par- 
liameiitary examinatien. ■' Though ki"g Charles w«f 
bound to prosecute king James's death, says Sir Ed- 
ward Peylon, committed contrary to ^1] the laws of 
God and nations; yet king Charles, to save the duke^ 
dissolved the parliament; and never after had the trmtj 
tried, to clear himself from confederacy, cr the dulfe 
from 10 heinous a scandal. No>r let all tlie world 
judge of Charles's carriage, whether he was not guilty 
of conaiving at so foul a sin'-"— Lilly, i» more mode- 
rate terms, delivers the censure on king Charles. 
"That king James was really and absolutely poisoned 
by a plaister, applied by Buckingham's mother nutp 
king James's stomach, w»s evidently proved before a 
committee: but wiicther Euckiughaui himself, or kjng 
Charles, was guilty, either in the knowledge oi', or 
Application of ihe plaister, I could qeverlearu. Many 
feared the king did know of it, and they gave thif 
reason; because, when the. ^rlinmcal di4 order to 
(jueition Buckingham for it, and had pr^i^'^'^'^ *heir 
charge or articles to preseat gainst him in the house 
of lords, and to accuse him thweof, his majesty, coHt 
trary to all expectation, SRd as in affront to both 
houses, and in the upper house, when the articles 
came up, gave Buckingham his hand to kiss, carried 
him away. Sic. This action lost him tlie present par- 
liament's affections ; even the most spbor of his friends 
held bim very much overseen, to ^eny a parliamen- 
tary justice in any matter whatsoever; but in matter . 

' The Dixiae Catutrophe of the Stuarts, p, 19. Bn. LdbI. H3I. > 



tiuet die queen, who had been espoused at 
Paris by the duke of Chevereux in the king's 
name) she laaded at Dover, and was met 
there by hie ilajesty, who accompanied her 
to London, where they were received with 
great expressions of affection and rejoicing. 

of poiEon, and tlie party poisoaed being his father, in 
that to prohibit a. due course, or a legal proceeding 
tgainstthe party suspected, it was to deny justice with 
a refractory haud'.''-^Miiton, in severe tenns, Bpeaka 
of Charles on thU accouut. " Quam similis Neroni 
fiinit Caiolua, oatendam. Nero, inquis, matrem sutun, 
ferro, aocayit. CaroluE &. patrem. Si regem veneoo; nam, 
uia]laomittamii>dicia,qi)i ducem veneficii reuml«gibuB 
«ripuit, fieri noQ potuit quin ipse reus quoque fuaril*." 
i. e. " I will let you (gpeajcing to Sahnasius) sec how 
like Charles wai to Nero ; Nero, you say, put to death 
bi« own mother; but Charles murthcred both his prince 
and his father, by poison. For, to omit other eri* 
dencBE, lie that would not BoSfet a duka that was nc- 
cused of it, to come to hia trial, must needs have beso 
guilty of it himself." — How this conclusion of Milton 
and the others will stand, the reader must determine. 
For my own part, though it is evident that Charles 
acted very unwiseiy in screening Bnckingham from a 
trial, and gave grounds for hie adversaries to sormiss 
that he was not unconscions of the horrid deed, I 
cannot load his m^nory with it, for tiie follotriag; 

■ Obtervatiom oa the Life and DeaCli «f King Cbwies, p. SO. at the aai 

•fthe HUtaryofhis LifeandTitnca, IQmo. lJmd,int. ^ Milton'g 

Walk), MLlLp.33U. txa. tnai. l''S3, 

«4 THE Ltl'E OF 

The name of this lady was Henrietta Maria, 
daughter of Henry IV. and sister to Lewis 
XIII. of France, said to be of an excellent 
air and beauty of countenance, of great vi- 
vacity, a lover of intrigues, and one who 
treated her husband with the utmost inso- 

1 . He never shewed, by any other part of his con- 
duct, that he was capable of being a party in so 
wicked an action. Now where men's private characters 
are fair, there should be positive proof, ere they be 
pronounced guilty; which I think is wanting here. 

2. The charge is brought by bitter and implacable 
enemies, and therefore may be somewhat aggravated. 

3. In the remonstrance presented to tlie king, Dec. 1, 
1641, which sets forth his evil conduct from the be- 
ginning, there is no hint given that he was deemed 
culpable in this matter; nor do I remember, among 
all the sharp papers which weie published by the two 
bouses against him, that be is once charged with it. 

4. At his trial it was not objected to him, nor was 
he reproached with it by Cooke or Bradshaw. 

5. When going to the scaffold, it being asked him, 
" Whetlier he were not consenting to his father's 
death," he replied, " Friend, if I had no other sin, (,t 
speak it with reverence to God's majesty) I assore thee, 
i would never ask him pardon'." 

These are the reasons for which I am for pronounc- 
ing Charles innocent in this matter, nor have t any 
great doubt about the reader's concurring in the justice 
of tlie sentence. However the public, as it has a right, 
must judge of this as well as other matters here laid 

Sir Philip Warwick's Memoirs, p. 343. 8vo, Lond, nOS. 


CHARtES I. es 

v^ - Imce'l Her behaviottr: towards his majesty 


before it, and its judgment will be regulated by fiacti 
and reasonings only. 

^ Henrietta Maria, a lady of excellent beauty, 8cc.] 
Mr. Waller is very lavish in praise of the beauty of 
Henrietta Maria, in his poem inscribed to her on se^ 
ing her picture. The following lines are a specimen of 
bis panegyric* 

Your Ueaoty mone the fondest lover moTes 
With admiration, than his private loves ; 
With admiration ! for a pitch so high 
(Saved sacred Charles his) never love durst fly. 
Heav'n, that preferr'd a sceptre to your hand, ^ 

FaTOur'd our freedom more than your com maids 
Beanty has crownM yon, and you must have be^ 
The whole world's mistress other than a qu^en. 
All had been rivals, and you might ]M0Wi|MP'd 
Or kiird, and tyranniz'd, without a fVHi. ' 

* * ♦ * * ♦'♦♦ ♦■,. 

Such eyes as your's, on Jov6 himself tei^ie IhipWn 
As bright and fierce a lightening as his own. 

And in another poem by the same gentleman^ ad- 
dressed to her, there are these lines : 


Such a complexion, and so radiant eyes. 
Such lovely motion, and such sharp replies ; 
Beyond ouf reaci^ and yet within our sight, . 
Wh2X enviouMBfltais placed this glorious light !. 

Whether ]yfi$^Vipbr has taken too great a poetical 
liberty, will appear mnA the following description of 
this lady by lord Kensington, whilst negotiating the 
match, in a letter to prince Charles, dated Feb. 26, 
1624. " Sir, if your intentions proceed this way, as 
by many reasons of state ^nd wisdom, (there is cause 
now rather to press it, than slacken it) you will find a 
lady of as much loveliness and sweetness to deserve 
your affection, as any. creature under heaven can do. 
And, Sir, by all her fashions since my being here, and 


will best of all appear by the following in* " -, 

hy what I hear fttint tticlRdies, it is most visible to me, 
her infinite value, and respect unto you. Sir, I say 
not this to betray your belief^i but from a true observa- 
tion, and knowledge of this to be so: I tell yoo this, 
and must somewhat more, in way of admiration of the 
person of madam ; for the impressions I had of heir 
were but ordinary, but the amazement extraordinary, 
to find her, as I protest before God I did, the sweet- 
est creature in France. Her growth is very little 
short of her age, and her wisdom infinitely beyond it. 
I heard her discourse with her mother, and the ladies 
about her, with extraordinary discretion and quickness. 
She dances (the which 1 am a witness of) as well as 
ever I saw any creature. They say she sings most 
sweetly; I am siye she looks so^." 

But whatever was her beauty, the temper of her 
mind was far from being amiable : she was bigotied to 
the Romish religion, industrious in promoting its 
interests, and an adviser and an encourager of the 
king in his moat imprudent actions. " Go, coward," 
Baid she to his majesty, (when about to seize the five 
members) " and pull these rogues out by the ears, or 
never see my fiice any moreV Wl^en tlic civil war 
broke out, she went into Holland, and pawned the 
crown jewels, with which she bought ammunition, and 
sent to her husband. She soon afterwards returned, 
and gave him counsels most pernicious, as in the 
course of this work we shall see. Going again to 
Paris, she endeavoured to raise foreign forces for the 
kJQg, though in vain; and, after his death, was re- 
duced to great straits^; insomuch that she requested 

■ CabaU, p. 319. * Fchard. 

T0», f. p. Gfil. I9mo, Lood. 1723. 

' Mctnoin of Cardinal dc Iletz, 




struCtioBS given to lord Carlton* dispatched 

cardiaal Mazarine to solicit Cromwell, that he would 
at least return her donry : but his sol icitiU ions vere 
ineffectual". During the exile of the royal family, 
she was fVill of intrigues to get the ascendaucy in her 
sou's councils, and frequently quarrelled with his most 
faithful servants. Some tiin.e before the restoration, 
" the lord Jermyn had the queen greatly in awe of him, 
and bad great interest witli iier concerns, was married 
to her, and had children hy het *'." When Charles 
11. mounted the throne in reality, she came over to 
London; but again returned to Paris, where she died 
August JO, IG69. 

The following extract will make a proper supple- 
ment to this note. " The king's attachment to the 

counsels of the (joeen and her creatures, and his con- 
stant neglect of those of the truest friends of his own 
and the nation's real interest, is evident from the 
original letters of one of them, Sir Edward NichoLia'^ 
secretary of state to him aud to his son and successor. 
I ^aall single out a few passages from these letters. In 
oneto lord Hatton, then at Paris, dated Dec. 4, l650, 
Sir Edward complains, that the«oBosclsof ihe Louvre, 
where queen Henrietta resided, had been fatal to the 
crowB of England. In another to the same lord, 
of the 1st of I'eh. I65O-I, he expresses his fears, 
that those counsels, which ruined the father, and 
brought the good and hopeful king [Charles ll.] into 
the sad condition in which he then was, would never 
do better. In one to the marquis of Ormond, of 
March ], 160O-I, lie observes, that for the king 

' Vohatrrt Age of LewilXIV. p. 88/-v(5l. I. Sro. Lona, ITM. 

* Mpmoirs of Sir Juhn Raroby, p. i. Bto. Lond. l"/35. * Tetm»rtj 
in the itwicaioii of Williara Michalu, <if WeK-Honkjr in Sanr, Esq. 
•nd nov in that of Sic John EMlfn, of Wsttao, in the atuaocounlT, bmt 



by liim to Paris, dated at Wanstead, July 



[Charles II.] to put himself into the bunds of those, 
*l)ose counsels and conduct had been so apparently 
unfbrtuaate to his blessed father and himself, was a 
prudence and policy that he could not fathom. And 
in one to lord Haiton, of the 7th of June, 1651, N.S. 
he prays, that the influence of those of the Louvre, 
which would be a great discouragement to honest 
men, might not prore as fatal to the young king as to 
his father'." 


"it is not unknown both to the French kiiigand his 
mother, what iiukindnesses and distastes have fallen 
between my wife and me, which hitherto I have borne 
with great patience, (as all the world knows) ever ex- 
pecting and hoping an amendment ; knowing her to 
be but young, and perceiving it lo be the ill crafty 
counsels of her servants, for advancing of their own 
ends, rather than her own inclination : for at my first 
meeting of her at Dover, I could not expect more 
testimonies of respect and love than she shewed : as, 
to give one instance, her first suit to me was, that she 
being young, and coming to a strange country, both 
by her years and ignorance of the customs of the place, 
might commit many errors, therefore that I would not 
be angry with her for her faults of ignorance, before I 
had with my instructions learned her to eschew them, 
and desired me in these cases to use no third person, 
but to tell her myself, when I found she did any thing 
amiss. I both granted her request and thanked her 
for- it; but desired her she would use me as she had 

CHAKLES r. ejj 

This representation of king Charles to his 

desired me to use her, which she willingly promised 
me, which promise she never kept: for a little after 
this, madam St. George takiag a distaste, because I 
would not let her ride with us in the coach, when 
there was women of" better quality to fill her room, 
claiming it as her due, (which in England wc think a 
■trtnge thing) set my wife in such an humour of dis- 
taste against me, as from that very hour to this, no 
mtm can say tliat ever she used rae two days together 
with so much respect as I deserved of her; but, by 
the contrary, has put so many disrespects upon me, as 
it were too long to set down all. Some I will relate : 
as I take it, it was at her first coming to Hampton- 
fourt, I sent some of my council to her, with tho»e 
orders that were kept in the queen my mother's bouse, 
desiring she would command the counie of Tilliers, 
that the same might be kept in ber's : her answer was, 
she hoped that I would give her leave to order her 
house as she list herself (now if she had said that she 
would Bpeak with me, not doubting to give me satis- 
faction in it, I could have found no fault, whatsoever 
she would have said of this to myself; for I could only 
impute it to ignonmce ; but I could not imagine that 
she afTronted me so, as to refuse mc in such a thing 
publicly). After I heard this answer, 1 took a lime 
(when 1 thought we bad botli best leisure to dispute it) 
to tell her x-almly both her fault in the public denial, 
as her mistaking the business itself. She, instead of 
acknowledging her fault and mistaking, gave me so ill 
An answer, that 1 omit, not to be tedious, the relation 
ftf tltat discourse, having too much of that nature here- 
after to relate. Many little neglects I will not take 
the pains to set down, as her eschewing to be in my 
coippany : when I hav$ any thing to speak to her, ( 



brother of France, and his sending hbot^ the 

lOust means her Ber\'ant first, else I am sure to be de- 
nied ^ ber neglect of the EngHsh tongiie, and of the 
nation in general. 1 \iUi also omit the aifront she dirl 
me before my going to this last unhappy assembly of 
pailiitmeQl, becimse there hats been talk enough of that 
already, Stc. and the aathor of it is before yoa in 
France. To be short, omitting all other passages, 
comiog ooly to tbat which is reeent in my memory : 
I having made acotmniMion to make my wife's jein- 
tu/e, iic. to assign ber those lafid« she h to live on, 
and it being brought to sudi a ripeness, that it wanted 
but my consent to the pnrticulars then had chosen : 
sh«, taking notice that it was now time to name tlie 
officers for lier revenue, one night when I was a bed, 
put a paper in my hand, telling me it was ai list of 
those thiitshe desired to be of her revenue. I toolt it, 
and said I would read it next morning ; but withal toid 
her, that, by agreeuieiw in France, I had the naming 
of them. 3he said, tJiere were both English and French 
in the note. I replied, that those Englisii I thought 
fit to serve her, I would confirm ; but for the French, 
it was impossible for them to serve her in that nature. 
Thai she said, ail those in the paper had brevets from 
her mother and herself, and that she could admit no 
other. Then 1 said, it was neither in her mother's 
power ooT bet's to admit any without my leave; and 
that if she stood upon tiiat, whomsoever she recom- 
aiended should nottsomc in. Then she bad me plainly 
take my lands to nvj'aelf ; for if she had no power to 
put in wliom she would in those places, shcwouldbave 
Beith^ lands nor house of me, but bad me give her 
what I iliouglH, St in petision. I bttd lier then remem- 
ber to whom Bbe spake, and told her, that ^^e ought 
tot to use JBM so- Thtnt she f«U into & passionHK^r»- 



queen's servants who attended her into Eng- 
land, and were to have been of hex house* 

CsitFte, how she 19 miserable iQ liavit>g no power to 
t>1ace Bervanta, arkl that business succeeded the wont 
far her I'econimendation; which when I offered to 
•nswer, she would not so much as hear me, Tiien she 
went on, saying', she was not of that baie qoality to fee 
■Md ao ill. Then I made her both hear me., and end 
that disconrEe. Thus having so long patience, with 
the distnrbaDce of that that shoald be ooe of my great- 
est contentments, I can no longer suffer those that I 
know to be the cause and fomenteis of these humours, 
to be about my wife any longer; which 1 must do, if 
it were but for one action tlicy made my wife do, w^itili 
is, to raahe her go to Tibnrn in devotion co pray; 
■which aciion can have no greater invective matle 

sgainst, than the relation. TlierefoFe you shall teli 

Illy brother (he French king, as likewise his mother, 
that diis being an action of so much necessity, I doubt 
■not but he wit! be satisfied with it, especi^ly since he 
hath done the like hiraoelf, iwt staying while he had 
«t) moch reason: and being an action tiiat 9ome may 
interpfet to be of harshness to his nation, I thougln 
good to give hiiH an account of it, because in all 
things I would preserve the good correspondency and 
brotlierly affection that is bePween aa'." 

' 11le King*! Cabinet opend, or crrtnin packets or Moret leHsrs and 
|r«p*r««nill»u«il)i theking'sownhmd, and Ink en in bii cabinet iii Nub^- 
fieU, June U, 1645, by victorious Sir Thumas Pairfai. Published bjr 
tgwcialocder of parliament, London, 4[o. I64J. Aa I aball have OE^tnsiuii 
frcquentlf to quote these lelten, itwill be ptoper, once Ibr all, tueitHb'iih 
their autbarilf. This will be best done by kin; Charles hinuelf, wf-.o, in 
• latter to leetetary Nicholas, has tbete wordH ; " Though I couid havs 
j^isUed their pnins bad been ^rared, yet t will neitber den; that those 
tbiap Ke nine irhicb th«y have «et out in iby name, (onlf some vonb 


hold, was owing to Buckingham', who, on 

a particular pasaiouj took all the ways he 

' This representation of the king's, his sending 
home the queen's servants who were to have been of 
her household, was owing to Buckingham, &c.] There 
is something curious enough in the accounts- given us 
of the cause of Buckingliam's aversion lo France, and 
the vexations he caused to the queen of England, 
which at length raised a war that ended ingloriously to 
himself and his master, as I shall have occasion herer 
after to shew. 

" In his embassy in France, where his person and 
presence was wonderfully admired and esteemed, and 
in which he appeared with all the lustre the wealth of 
England coiild adorn him with, and ouishined all 
the bravery that court could dress itself in, and over- 
acted the whole nation in their ownmost peculiar vani- 
ties; be had the ambition to fix his eyes upon, and to 
dedicate his most violent affection to a lady of a very 
sublime quality, and to pursue it with most importu- 
nate addresses; insomuch as, when the king had 
brought the queen his sister as far as he meant to do, 
and delivered her into the hands of the duke, to be by 
him conducted into England, the duke, in his journey, 
after the departure of that court, took a resolution 
once more to make a visit to that great lady, which he 
bellied he might do with much privacy. But it was 
so easily discovered, that provision was made for bis 
reception ; and if he had pursued his attempt, he had 

here and there are miilaken, a 
Disterial) nor as B good pnitesi 
papers. Indefd, as a discreet 
Kould fain know liim who «oi 
pr'ivBte letters neii: publirklir be 

33 misplaced, but oot much 
tnaii tikish far any of thoM 
>t justify myEelrj anil j-Pt I 
Hint tlie frerdoD) of all his 


^M' could to exasperate the French court, and 
"^ to lessen the king's affection towards his 



been wilhoiit doubt assassinated, of which lie had only 
So much notice as served hirei to decline the danger. 
But he s^ore, in the instant, that he would see and 
speak with that Jady, in spite of the strength and 
power of France. And fVom the time that the queen 
arrived in England, he toolc all the ways he could td 
undervalue and exasperate that court and nation, by 
causing all those that fled into England from the justice 
and displeasure of that king, to be received and enter- 
tained here, not only with ceremony and security, but 
with bounty and magnificence; and the more extraor- 
dinary tlie persons were, and the more notorious their 
king's displeasure was towards them, the more respecl- 
fiilly they were received and esteemed. Heomitled uo 
0[»porttmity to incense the king against France, aud to 
dispose him to assist the Huguenots, whom he likewise 
encouraged to give their king some trouble. And, 
which was worse than all this, he took great pains to 
lessen tee king's afTcction towards his young queen; 
being exceedingly jealous lest her interest might be of 
force enough to cross his other designs : and in this 
stratagem he had brought himself to ahabit of neglect, 
and even of rudeness towards the queen; so that, upon 
e.vpostulations with her on a trivial occasion, lie told 
her she should repent it; and her majesty answering 
with some quickness, he replied insolently to her, that 
there had been queens in England who had lost their 

heads'." Iq order that the reader may the better 

understand all this, I will here transcribe a few pas- 
sages from the memoirs of madam de Motteville, a fa- 

' ClareiidoR, vol. I. p. 3S. 


young quccD, fearing lest her interest uiiglit 
e of I'orce enough to cross his other designs. 

rite ofAime of Austria, wife to Lewi* XIII.—" At 
Ijie queen of England's leaving Amiens, the I'reiicli 
tourt accompanied her majesty a little way out of tlie 
Hty, and the queen of Fiance (says inadiiiJi de Molte- 
las done ine the honour lo lei! me, that when 
yie duke of Buckingham came to kiss lier gown, she 
heing in ih^ fore-scat of the coach with the princess of 
Conti, he hid himself with the curtain, as if he had 
^melhing to say to her ; but, in reality, lo wipe away 

*i(fe tears which tiien came into his eyes. The princess 

^ClF Conti, who had an agreeable way of raillerj, and, 
•Bb I SSre heard, a great deal of wit, said, on this occa- 
sion, speaking of the queen, that she would he answer- 
*»ble to the king for her virtue ; but that she could not 
tchy so of her cruelty, since, without doubt, the tear-i 
of that lover which she had seen on this occasion, 
oDghi to have touched her heart, and that she had sus- 
flpccted her eyes to have looked on him at least with 
pity. The duke of Buckingham's passion (continues 
the lady) prompted him to a bold action, which the 
queen has infonned me of; and which has been con- 

"Snned to me by the queen of Englaiid, who had it 
ftem Buckingham himself. That illustrious siranger 
having left Amiens, in order lo return lo England, 
whither he was lo conduct the princess of France, now 
queen of England, to licr husband ; being overcome 
by his passion, and unable to bear thepains of absence, 
resolved to see the queen of France again, though it 
were but for a mcmcnl. He formed that design when 

. be was come almost to Calais, and he executed it under 
luretEnce of news which he had received from the king 
R master, that obliged hJni to return to Amiens. He 

CHARLES 1. 5j 

And it was universally known, saj's lord 
Clarendon % that, during his life, the queen 

left the queen of England at Bonlogne, and came back 
to Mary <le Mcdicis, then queen-mother, to treat about 
some pretended affairs, which he took for the pretext of 
his return. After having done with his chimerical ne- 
gotiation, he came to the reigning queen, whom he 
found in bed, almost alone. That princess was in- 
formed by a. letter from the duchess de Chevreuse, 
who accompanied the queen of England, of Bucking- 
ham's coming back. She spoke of it before Nogent 
in a jesting manner, and was not surprised when she 
saw the duke. But she was 30 when he came freely to 
kneel down by her bed-side, kissing her sheet with 
Buch uncommon transport, that It was easy to perceive 
that his passion was violent, and of that kind which 
does not leave the use of reason to those that are seized 
with it. The queen has told me, that she was troubled 
at it; which trouble, joined with a little indignation, 
made her continue a long time without speaking to 
him. The countess de Lannoi, then her lady of ho- 
nour, not being willing to suffer the duke to continue 
in that condition, told liim, with a great deal of seve- 
rity, that what he did was not customary in France, 
and would have made him rise. But the duke, without 
appearing surprised, disputed with the old lady, saying 
that he was no Frenchman, and not bound to observe 
ihe laws of the kingdom. Then addressing himself to 
the queen, he said aloud to licr the most tender things 
imaginable, which she answered only with complaints at 
his boldness; and, perhaps, (says the lady) without 
being very angry, she ordered him severely to rise and 
begone. He did ao ; and having seen her the next day, 


KriHi " "■ —• rmrmrii ^^^^^^- .v.-...-^^ ^^^ 



had never any cr^H with the king, vitU 
reference to any publixi ^airs. But the 

in presence of all the court, be weQt away, fully rm^AYr 
ed to return uitp Fraftcje as sooij fis poa^ible. AU wat-r 
ters irelatjng tQ Buckingham W-cre toJd king Lewi? tQ 
bis qufieo> di^ va^iJage. The quegn of EngUnd (con- 

tiiiu£3 nuu^ame Motteyi.Ile) b$is ^im^ related to me^ 

diat quickly a&er h^t marriage with king Charles I. 
^e bad some dislike tP the king ber bu^b^ud, aqd that 
Buckingham foineQ.t^d i^ : (.bat gentleman saying to 
her face, that he would set her and ber husband at varir 
ance, if he could. He ^wceeded in it; and the queen, 
ia beraiBictioo, was desirous of returning intoFranpe, 
to see the queen her motber ; aod ajs ^he kn/ew the pa^ 
aionate desire which the duke had of seeing o^ce more 
the yoUng queen of Fjcaoce^ she sppke to hioi pf her 
design. He embraced it with eageraes9, and he perved 
her powerfully in pbtaiaing leave frprp the king ber 
hnshand to e^cecute it. The queen pf flngland wrote 
about it to the qneen her mother, desiring leave tp 

bring the duke of Bnckingban), without whom she 

could not take that voyage* She wa«j refused both by 
the queen her mother, and by the king her brother, ber 
design comiag to nothing, by reason of that of tb^ 
duke of BuckijD^^vm. This gentteman (says tbei lady) 
raised ^ division between tl^e ty^o crowns, (bat he 
might haye an occasion of returning into Fmnoe, by 
the necessity there would be for a treaty of peace ! " 

The insolence, pride, lust, and revenge pf 3u^iog- 
bam, appear fxom the^e passiages, better tbw from f 
thousand descriptions ; and it c/a^npt but spniewbat 

^ JjfoBMMiB to^vidA writinc tbe Hittory of Ajwa 9f. 4l>f^* ^^ t^ w4 f^ 
the 4th Tol. of Retz Memoirs, ^i. 186-*290» See alio Rohan's Memoir^ 
p. 131. Sto. Lond. 1660. 


,th of that favoUiite, which happened 


by the hand of a weH-moaning assassin '",■ 

diminish the character of Chuiles, even ia the eyes of 
bis most zealous aad devout admirers, when they coti' 
sider that this maa, vile and abandoned in morals as he 
was, was his chief favourite ; and that though he might 

t do such things himself, yet he had pleasure in him 
that did them. 

'" Buckingham's death happened by the hand of a 
wdl~meaning assassin,] This was John Felton, a gen- 
tleman of family in Suli'olk, of good fortune and repu- 
tation ; who had been a lieutenant in the army ; whleh 
quitting, he resided in London : wliere learning wliat 
an enemy to the nalion Buckingham was, and that the 
house of commons had declared him " the eause of all 
the evils the kingdom sufTercd, and an enemy to the 
public," he heheved he should do God good service if 
he killed ihe duke. Which shortly after he resolved 
to do, and actually accomplished at Portsmouth (where 
Buckingham then was, preparing and making ready 
the fleet and army designed for the relief of liochelle, 
straitly besieged by Rictilieu) ; for he struck him with 
a knife over his shoulder upon the breast, which pjero- 
ing his heart, soon occasioned his death. Felton, 
though he might easily have escaped amidst the hurry 
iind confusion the assasftinalion occHsioncd, uncon- 
scious of ill, hut glorying in his noble exploit, walked 
calmly before the door of the house, owned and justi- 
fied the fact ; though before his death he is said to 
have repented of it, and asked pardon of " the king, 
the duchess, and all the duke's servants, whom he 
acknowledged to have offended'." That Felton was 
an assassin must be owned : that assassinations are.for 

t. I. p. 30. 



Aug. 23, 1628, gave the queen an oppor- 
tunity of exerting an influence over his 

the most part^ very unjustifiable actions, must be ac« 
knowledged ; but where the principles, on which such 
assassinations are founded, appear plausible, and the 
assassinators appear to have acted out of views to the 
public good, however mistaken, and not out of self- 
interest or private revenge; I say, where this is the 
case, as it seems here to have been, we cannot help 
pitying the criminals, though we condemn the crime. 
But to proceed in the history. Felton, after having 
been confined in prison at London, " was called before 
the council, where he confessed his inducement above 
mentioned to the murder. The council much pressed 
bim to confess who set him on work to do such a 
bloody act, and if the puritans had no hand therein : 
he denied they had ; and so he did to the last, that no 
person whatsoever knew any thing of his intentions or 
purpose to kill the duke, that he revealed it to none 
living. Dr. Laud, bishop of London, being then at the 
council-table, told him, if he would not confess he must, 
go to the rack. Felton replied, if it must be so, he 
could not tell whom he might nominate in the extre- 
mity of torture; and if what he should say then must 
go for truth, he could not tell whether his lordship 
(meaning Laud) or which of their lordships, he might 
name; for torture might draw unexpected things from 
him. After this he was asked no more questions, but 
8ent back to prison. The council then fell into debate, 
whether, by the law of the land, they could justify the 
putting him to the rack; which, by oiiider of the king, 
being propounded to all the judges, they nnanimonsly 
agreed, that he ought not, by the law, to be tortured by 
the rack ; for no such punishment is known or allowed 


majesty, which she retained to the last mo- 

bj our law */* Whereupon, being convicted on his 
own confession, he was hung up in chains. We see 
here the true spirit of an ecclesiastic (armed with 
power) in Laud! Cruelty is the distinguishing cha- 
racter. Racks present themselves presently to the ima* 
gination of a superstitious tyrannical priest, as the 
fittest punishments for offenders. Power in such hands, 
therefore, should never be lodged, because it will dege- 
nerate into tyranny, and render unhappy such as are 

under it Let the fate of Buckingham also be a 

warning to all ministers not to pursue wicked mea- 
sures; for destruction, in all probability, will come 
upon them. Public justice may make them examples : 
a Felton may arise to dispatch them ; or if neither of 
these should occasion their fall, but they should brave 
justice and escape its stroke, yet their names shall be 
branded with infamy and reproach in the annah of the 
times in which they lived, though pimps and parasites 
have ever so loudly sounded their praises. 

The following account of Felton may be looked on 
as no improper supplement to this note. — " He was of 
a religious and quiet conversation, given to no open 
vice nor whimsical opinions, being a frequent hearer of 
those preachers as were never found to give encour- 
agement to such practices, but rather the contrary.-— 
Nor was honest Jack, a title always given him, (though 
rendered after more diffusive by the duke's enemies, 
than so ill a consequence might merit) agitated by 
revenge, or any privater spirit than what he was per- 
suaded did regard the commonweal ; as I heard William 
earl of Pembroke protest, who could not but be the 
best informed, hsving assisted at his examinations : 

*RiDhworth,tol. Lp.03S. - 


ment of his life. For" he was remarkably 

who did withal aver, he never saw piety and valour 
better or more temperately mixed lu one person; nor 
w,a8 he found, as the same lord attested, in any un- 
truth '." I tliiiik I had reason to give Felton the epir 
thetof well-meaning. 

" He was remarkably uxorious, Sec.] Sir Philip 
Wanvick tells us, that " king Charles was always more 
chaii'y of the queen's person, than of liis business"." 
— Burnet observes, " that he was unreasonably feeble 
lo those whom he trusted, chieHy to the queen V 
And if we turn to bis letters, taken at Kaseby, we shall 
find, the strongest proofs of the regard he paid to her 
advice, and her influence over him. I will trausciihe 
a few passages from among many. In a letter, datei^ 
Oxford, 13 Ir'eb. 1643, we have the following expres- ' 

sions ; " I think it not the least of my misfortunes, 

that, for my sake, thou hast run so much hazard ; in 
which thou hast expressed so much love to me,,thfttl_ 
confess it is impossible to repay, by any thing I c«F 
do, much less. by words: but my heart being full of 
aifection, for thee, admiration of tliee, and impatient 
passion of gratitude to thee, I could not but say some^ 
thing, Imviug the rest to he read by thee out of thine, 
own noble beait. — Some finds, fault as too much kind-s 
ness to thee; but.I.assure such, that.I waut expression, 
not wjll, to do it ten timers more to thee, onall occ^ 
sions. Others press me as being brought upon ilie. 
stage; but 1 answer, that, having protest to have ihy, 
adyice, it were a wrong to thee to do any ihing before 
X bad,itV Nor were these, mere espressions; for, in 

'OBborn'eWorks, p.Ge4. Bvo. loni!. 1613. '■Hcnuiir!, p, 2(14, 

' Buroet'6 Histoiy of his (wn Timet, vrif. I. p. 10. DhIcL edil. " King's 

CsbiDCt Opened, p. 3B, 



uxorious, consulted liis wile in all his afiairit, 

fact, he cared not to do any thing wllhoat &rsC con' 
ftialiiag her majesty, and oblaiiiing her approbation. 

" r^ow," says lie, in a letter lo the qu«cii, dated May 
14, l(i45, "imnst make a complaiat to thee of my-aoa 
Charles; which troubles lue the more, that tllou 
majest suspect 1 seek by equivocating to hide the 
breach of my word, wlucb 1 hate above all things, 
especially to thct. It is tiiis: he hath sent to dcMie 
me, that Sir JoIid. GreeoHeld may be sworn genUemaoi 
of his bedchamber ; but already so pnhhckly engaged' 
in' it, that the refusal would be a great dlsgiace both lo 
My son and the young gentleman, to whom it is not fit 
to give a Just distnstc, especially now, considering his 
father's merits, his own hopefulness, hesidesthe great 
power that family has in the West; yet 1- have re- 
&sed the admitting of him u ntil I sbaJl hear from thee. 
Wherefore 1 desire thcc, firist, to obide my son for en- 
gaging himself without one of our consents; then nob 
Co refuse thy own consent; and lastly, to believe, that, 
directly or indirectly, I never knew of this while yes- 
terday, at the delivery of my son's letter. So farewel, 
sweet heart, and God send me good news from thee"." 

And in a letter, dated 9 June 1645, speaking of the 
good state ot his aflairs to her, he adds, " Yet I must 
tell thee, that it is thy letter by Fitz-Williams, assur- 
ing me of thy perfect recovery:, with thy wonted kind- 
nesR, which makes Rie capable of taking contentment 
ill these good ; for as divers men proposes 
several recompences to themselves for their pains and 
hazard in this rebellion, so thy company is the only 
reward I expect, and wish for''." From these and 
many like passages, it appears liow uxorious Charles 

' King's Cabinet Opened, p. 10. 


tv inaiiiiiWi' uttmmn'i'ji *-. >-.•■.. i-...—-y, 

■• # 


was influenced by her, and, in a manner, 

was, how much governed by a woman ! And conse- 
quently, in the opinion of some brave spirits, in a state 
most ignominious. ** An ille mihi liber, cui mulier im- 
perat? cui leges imponit, presscribit, jubet, vetatquod 
videtur ? qui nihil imperanti negare potest, nihil recusare 
audet ? poscit ? dandum est : vocat ? veniendum : ejicit ? 
abeundum : minatur ? extimescendum. Ego ver6 istum 
non modo servum, sed nequissimum servum, etiam si in 
amplissima familianatus sit, appellandum puto*." i. e. 
" Shall I esteem the man to be free who is the slave of a 
woman, who imposes laws on him, commands, forbids, 
and regulates his conduct at pleasure; who neither can 
refuse what she requests, nor dares disobey her orders ? 
If she asks any thing, it must be given ; does she call ? 
he musj answer; when shut out he must quietly be 
gone : in a word, if she threatens him, he must of 
course be filled with terror. Such a man, let his birth 
and family be ever so illustrious, deserves, in my opi- 
nion, not simply the appellation of slave, but that of 
the most servile of all slaves/* 

— Gocl*8 universal la^ 

Gave to the man despotic power 

Over his female in due awe, . ■ 

Nor from that right to part an hour. 

Smile she or lonr : 

So shall he least confiision draw 

On his whole life, not sway'd 

By female usurpation, or dismay'd. miltor. 

These things are boldly said! but possibly they who 
uttered them, might not themselves have been able 
wholly to make them good ; for women, in all ages, 
have had great sway. Beauty has triumphed over th^ 

' Cic. Faradoxa, vol. ll» 

wholly at her disposal. So that we may 
reasonably presume ", tlxc reproaches which 

wise, the brave, and good ; and tbcrefore Charles, in 
this respect, may be entiiled to some degree of pity ! 
Though, after all, to admit a wife to dictate and direct 
in matters of state, to interfere in the affairs of a king- 
dom, to whose laws and customs she was a stranger, 
and whose religious opinions and practices she abhor- 
red ; ] say, to do this, was weak and inexcusable. 

" The reproaches that have been cast upon him of 
infidelity to the marriage-bed, are without foundation. 
See] The licentiousness of some writers is very amaz- 
ing: not content to represent princes as they really 
were, they study to blacken them, though without 
foundation. This has happened to Charles verj re- 
markably. One should have thought his attachment 
to the queen, her ascendancy over him, the regard he 
pmd her, and his having never a mistress publicly men- 
tioDed, should have hindered even a thought of hi* 
unchastiiy- But he has not passed unsuspected of 
this, as well aa other matters, in which, probably, he 
bad no concern. — Let us hear his accusation. — " He 
did not greatly court the ladies, nor had he a lavish 
affection unto many : he was manly, and well fitted for 
venereous sports, yet rarely frequented illicit beds. I 
do not hear of above one or two natural children he 
had, or left behind him '." — Sir Edward Peyton tells us, 
" the queen was very jealous of the king ; insomuch as 
he, loving a very great lady, now alive, whom he had 
for a mistress, to the Intent he might have more fiee- 
dom with her, sent her lord into ilie low countries. In 
the mean while, he daily courted her at Oxford, in her 
husband's and the queen's absence : but the lord return- 

' Liliy'iObservatiouson the Ijfe of King Charles, p. 11. 


■I-* THE LTFK or 

liave been tast on him of infidelity to 

the mairiage-bed, are without foundation, 

ing, the king diverted his affcclionate thoughts to 
another married ladj', of whom ihe queen was jealoual 
at her return from France; so that, on a time, this 
ladybeillg in queen Mary's presence, and dru-ssed Jt-la- 
mode, the queen viewing her round, told the lady, she 
would be a better mistress for a king than a wife for a 
tnight. The lady replied. Madam, I had rather be 
fliislress to a king, than any man's wife in the world. 
For wliJcli answer she was obliged UT afoseut herself 
from-courta long time'." 

The hst evidence against ChaHes, on this head, shall' 
be Milton, who in bis Dpfeiisio pro Poptih AngUcativ, 
has these words : " Castimouiain tu ej us et continentiam 
laudes, quern cum duce Buckijigamio flagitiis omnibus 
cooperturanovimus? secretioraejus et recessus perscru- 
tari quid attinet, qui in theatro medias mulleres peiu- 
lanter amplecti, et suaviari, qui virginum & matronarum 
papillas, ne dicam cajtera, pertractare in propatulo con- 
sueverat. Tc porr6 moneo pscudo Plularehe, ut istius' 
modi paiaUelisiiieplissimisdehinc supersedeas, ne ^gO' 
qu* taecrem alioqui libenfe de Carolo, necesse habcam 
ffluntiareV i.e. "HaWyou the impudence (speaking to 
Sftimasius) to commend hia chastity and sobriety, who is 
known to have committed all manner of lewdness in com-? 
pany with his confident the duke of Bockingbam? It 
wer^ toaopnrpose to enquire into the private actions of 
his life, who publicly, at plays, woald embrace and kiss 
the ladies lascivioosly, and handle virgins' and matron^' 
bceasts, not to mention the rest. I advise you there- 
fore) you counterfeit Plutarch, to abstain from such' 
Itkepsffallels, [between Charles and David, and Solov 

le Cslastrophe, p. 33. 

•Mjltoo'a Wortia, vol. ILp.31J. 

CHARLES 1. 45 

tliougii we had npt those strong assurances 
9f his chastity we ijow have. He was, in- 

men] lest I be forced to pultlish ihose things concern- 
ing Chgrles, whicli I am willing to conceal." 

Many objections arise ou the face of this evidence 
against Charles's chastilj. Lilly does not positively 
fay thai he had any natural children, but that he did not 
bmr of above one or two; which is a very indelermi- 
nate way of talking in such an atfair. Peyton is very 
positive, we see, but he names no lady, though he 
Speaks of two : vhich [ am persuaded, from his hatred 
to the memory of Charles, be would have done, had he 
known on whonn with certainty to have pitched ; not 
to take notice that the queen never was at Oxford after 
her return from Fiance, as Peyton seems to assert. 
Milton is a name at all times to be mentioned with 
honour; but truth compels me to saj-, that what he here 
speaks has much, too much, the air of declamation to 
be entirely relied on. Buckingham was lewd ; but no 
one, but Milton, hints that Charles was a partaker of 
his vices; and his evidence, delivered in such a way, 
(aa he himself could not have been a spectator) is not 
sufficient to condemn him. The handling virgins' and 
matrons' breasts, though not seemingly consistent witU 
the gravity Charles reniarkably preserved in his whole 
behaviour, depends much on the custom of ages and 
countries; and therefore, had it been ever so publicly 
done, cannot of itself determine against a man's chas- 
tity, A single fact, advanced with proper vouchers, 
would have been of more force in determining the 
chastity of Charles, than a thousand of these kind of 
aaseruons and inferences. But a$ sud^ a fact, properly 
attested, has not been brought, even by Peyton or Mil- 
ton, we mii^', ^ 'hink, conclude that they could not; 


deed, remarkably grave and sober in his 
whole behaviour, free from intemperance, 

and consequently that in this matter he was blameless. 
There is a letter published lately, in Gibber's Lives of 
the Poets, said once to have belonged to archbishop 
Sancrofit, which is thought to evidence Charles's being 
engaged in one intrigue in his youth. It is addreaMd. 
to the duke of Buckingham, in the terms followidgi ■ * 


" I have nothing now to write to you, but to give 
you thanks both for the good counsel ye gave me, and 
for the event of it. The king gave me a good sharp 
portion ; but you took away the working of it, by the 
well-relished comfites ye sent after it. 1 have met with 
the party, that must not be named, once already ; and 
the culler of writing this letter, shall make me meet 
with her on Saturday, altho* it is written the day being 
Thursday. So, assuring you that the business goes 
safely on, I rest your constant friend, 


*' I hope you will not shew the king this letter; but 
put it in the safe custody of Mr. Vulcan ^" 

That this letter relates to some intrigue is certain : 
whether it was of the amorous, or whether of the poll- 
tical kind, may be pretty hard certainly to say. Pos- 
sibly the business related in note 5 may help to ex- 
plain it. 

I proceed now to give the direct proofs of Charles's 
chastity, that no suspicion may be left in the mind of 
the reader. 

Lord Clarendon tells us, that " he was so great an 

' CibUr's Lives of the Poet8| toI. t^ C03. Londl 1753. 12mOi 

and but little addicted to the foolish cus- 
tom of swearing, though he kept not whollj 
free from it on particular occasions, or great 

example of conjugal affection, that they who Hid not 
imitate hiin in that particular, durst not brag of their 
liberty: and he did not only permit, but direct his 
bishops to prosecute those scandalous vices, in the ec- 
clesiastical courts, against persons of eminence, and 
near relation to his service'." And the day before his 
death he bade " his daughter Elizabeth tell her mother, 
that his thonghts had never strayed from her, and that 
his love should be the same to the last*"." To these 
testimonies I will add that of May, a writer professedlA 
■ on the side of the parliament, and secretary for it, aa he| 
stiles himself. " The same affections [of love and 
esteem] followed him [Charles] to the ihrooe: says he, 
the same hopes and fair presages of his future govern- 
ment, whilst thcj' considered the temperance of his 
youtli, how clear he had lived from personal vice, 
being growne to the age of tweniy-three; how untaint- 
ed of those licentious extravagancies, which nuto that 
age and fortune are not only incident, hut almost 
thought excuseable'." And in another place he ob- 
serves, " that Charles lived more conformably to the 
rules of the protectant religion, than any of his con- 
temporary princes in Europe"." And the earl of Leices- 
ter speaks of this " king's life as profitable to all chris- 
tians, by the ex em pi aria ess thereof." I think here is 
such sufBcient evidence of Charles's chastity, that he 
cannot, with the lca*t shadow of reasoit, be deemed 
guilty of incontinence, and consequently la thi» re- 
spect that he was praiseworthy. 

' Clarendon, vol. V. p. 2t1. " King; Cbarlw's Works, p. ZOC. 

' May'B History of Ihe Parliaoifnt of KnglBod, p. 7. fol. Lond. Ihil. 
■ Msy'iHittory.p. 11. 'Sidney's SUite-papers, vol. U. p. 4l3. 

>rr;^v;A::;<«wrnfi.^rw..., .-y, v..>^>^iHMi 


provocations '. He was diligent and exact 
in the performance of the external acts of 
religion '\ and is said to have been regular 

For A;hastity, even in a prince^ is a virtue, and pro- 
4uctiv^ of many happy effects. Vice, though not ex- 
tirpated by the royal example, will skulk into comers, 
and be afraid to shew her head : infamy and dishonour 
will attend those who are known publicly to practise, 
it; the marriage-bed will be reverenced and-honoured, 
and peace, harmony, and concord in families prevail. 
Whereas, if the prince is lewd and debauched, if be 
roams abroad and violates the virgin, or adulterously 
^vades the matron's bed ^ and fears not to proclaim 
nis unchaste deeds ; no wonder those around him are 
emboldened by his example, and openly practise every, 
act of uncleanness. 

" He wag diUgeqt and exact in the performance of 
the external ojcts of religion ] As this part of Charles's 
character, ha&i not been denied, a few testiiuonies will be 
Sufficient to confirm it. — *' He was," gays lord Claren- 
don, ^' T^y punctual and regular in his devotions C he 
was never known to enter upon his recreations or sports, 
though never so early in the morning, before he had been 
at publick prayers; so that, on hunting-days, his chap- 
lains were bound to a very early attendance. He was 

'Clarendon, vol. II. p. 451. 
^ Princes, addicted to tkis practice, should ask themselves, how they 
would like to be addressed in Butler's lines to Charles 11. 

Thy great example prompts each, spouse 
To make a jest of marriage -vows ; 
Encouragts each beauteous dame 
To sin, without tlK fear of sham« ; 
Makes all thy peers turn keeping cuUies, 
To Imitate thy princely follies . 

1 fwicy« Um prinaH woM think thgio verses contaiotd an Mwomtuvi* 


^ipoagtapt ill the private exercise of de- 
" vdtlon^itting a pattern to others in what 

likewise very strict ia observing tlie hours of his pri- 
vate cabioet-devotiou; aDd was so severe an exactor 
of gravity and reverence, in all mention of religion, 
that he could never endure any light or profane word, 
with what sharpness of wit soever it wiis covered ; and 
though he was well pleased and delighted with reading 
verses made upon any occasion, no man durst bring 
before biin liny thing that was profane or unclean V 
"Laud,'"aayd Hcylin, "humbly moved his majesty, that 
he would be prt'seni at the Liturgy, aa well as the ser- 
mon every Lord's-day ; and that at whatsoever part of 
prayers he came, the priest, who ministered, should 
to the end of the service. To which bis ma- 
most readily and religiously condescended, and 
liim thanks for that his seasonable and pious ino> 
'." Let us add hereuuto Dr. Perinchiefs testi- 
mony, concerning this king's devotion, that we may 

see it in its full extent, " His majesty's constant 

dilig^ce in those duties [of religion] did demonstrate, 
that noting but a principle of holiness, which is al- 
ways uniform, both moved and assisted him in those 
sacred performances, to which he was observed to' go 
with an exceeding alacrity as to a ravishing pleasure, 
from which no leaser pleasures nor business were strong 
enough for a diversion. In the morning, before he 
went to hunting, his beloved sport, the chaplains were 
before day called to their ministry : and wlien he was 
at Braintbrd, among the noise of arms, and near tire 
assaults of his enemies, he caused the divine, that then 
waited, to perform his accustomed service, before he 
provided for safety, or attempted at victory ; and would 

• OorendDD, vol, V. p. 3S7, * Hcylin'sDfeof l*ud, fol. p. IS6. 

Lond. 1668. 

%OLi II. T. 

« H. VT- 

:»I>V ■^•.^.- 


related to the worship and service of Al- 
mighty God : so that it would be hardly 

first gain upon the love of beayen, and then afterwards 
tepel the malice of men. — ^At sermons he carried him- 
self with such a reverence and attention, (that his ene- 
mies which hated, yet did even admire him in it) as if 
he were expecting new instructions for government 
from that God whose deputy he was, or a new charter 
for a larger empire : and he was so careful not to ne- 
glect any of those exercises^ that if on Tuesday morn- 
ings, on which days there used to be sermons at court, 
lie were at any distance from thence, he would ride 
liard to be present at the begiimings of them*/' 
iThQiffih we make some allowances for what these 
.writers panegyrically have written, concerning the de- 
^tion of this prince, we shall be forced to own, that }4s 
t>ehaviour in matters of religion was indeed exempla^, 
and that he was at a great distance from the character 
of the scomer.-=-It is true, a man's character is not to 
be determined by these external acts of piety ; it being 
very possible that men may, with respect to^«se, be 
blameless, ihoagh the weightier matters of iftte law be 
ni^lected. Eor which reason, Milton, without dis- 
i»utipg the. fact^ observes, ^' that he who from such 
kind of psahnistry, or any other verbal devotion, with- 
out the pledge and earnest of suitable deeds, can be 
.penuaded of a zeal and true righteousness in the per- 
son, hath much yet to learn, and knows not that the 
deepest policy of a tyrant hath been ever to cavmter- 
feit religious. And Aristotle, in his politics^ halh 
mentioned that special cmft, among twelve othier ty- 
rannical sophisms. Neither want we examples: An- 
droiliicus Comnenus, the Byzantine emperor, though a 
most cruel tyrant, is reported, by Nicetas, to have been 

f Perincbief s Life qCJkiog Charles, p. 60. 



credible (did not historians unanimously 
concur in recording the fact) that he should 

a constant reader of St. Paul's Epistles ; and, by con- 
tinual study, had so incorporated the phrase and siile 
of that transcendaiit apostle into ail his familiar letters, 
that the imitation seemed to vie witli the original. 
Yet this availed not to deceive the people of that em- 
pire, who, notwithstanding his saint's vizard, tore him 
to pieces for his tyranny. From stories of this nature, 
botii anticnt and modern, which abound, the poets 
also, and some English, have been, in this point, so 
mindful of decorum, as to put never more pious words 
in the mouth of any person than of a tyrant. I shall 
not instance an abstruse author, wherein the king 
might be less conversant; but one wbora we well 
know was the closet-companion of these his solitudes, 
William Shakespear, who introduces the person of 
Richard Til. speaking in as high a strain of piety and 
mortification as is uttered in any passage of this book 
[the Eikon Basiiike], and sometimes to the same sense 
and >f)Urpose witb some words in this place: I intend- 
ed, saith he, not only to oblige my friends, but my 
enfemies. The like saith Richard, Act II, Scene I. 

Witlinbom my soul is any jot nt oildi, 
Moretban the infant IbaC is bomta-olgbt; 
I tbank my God far my bumility. 

" Other stuff of this sort may he read tliroughout 
the whole tragedy, wherein the poet used not much 
license in departing from the truth of history, which 
delivers him a deep dissembler, not of his affections 
only, but of his religion "." 

There is great justness in these remarks, whether 

tbey affect the case of king Charles or no, whicb will 

■ Milton's PrOBe Works, vol. I. p. 408. 


revive the declaration of his father, concern- 
ing lawful sports'* on the Lord's-day, dis- 

best appear after the reader has attentively considered 
him in his private and public character : for all that 
he is represented as having done, may have been no- 
thing more than a mere form of godliness, though it 
was ever so sincere, as I see no reason to suppose the 
contrary. Thousands of men have done as much or 
more, who yet were far enough from being virtuous. 
For he that doth righteousness, is righteous: he that 
doth it not, deceives himself, if he thinks he has any 
right to that character, on account of diligence and 
exactness in the acts of private or public devotion. 

Far be it from me to censure Charles on the account 
of his devotion. It were to be wished men's characters 
were always uniform, that where there was an appear- 
ance of piety, every virtue was also to be found ; but 
as it is well known this is not the case, we are not to 
presume a man good, because he is devout, 

'* That he should revive the declaration of Hia father, 
Concerning lawful sports on the Lord's-day, &c.] One 
would have thought that the strict observation of the 
Lord'a-day would have been agreeable to the grave 
and religious temper of Charles; for it tends much to 
increase sobriety of thought and behaviour, and to 
keep up ill men's minds a sense of the Deily, the obli- 
gations they are under to worship him, and the account 
"they have to render unto him, as well as many other 
go&d purposes. This the lord chief justice Rich- 
aridson, and the justices of peace for Somersetshire, 
Hrere very sensible of, and therefore made an order at 
the assizes for the suppression of ales and revels on the 
Lbrd's-day in that county; thinking them dishonour- 
able to God, and prejudicial to his majesty and the 
country. Hereupon Laud, archbishop of Canterbury, 


countenance such as were for a strict ob^ 
servance of it, and even at council suffer the 

complained to the king; and the chief justice was 
coinmatKled to attend the board, and, iiotwitlisianding 
all he could allege, to revoke his order, which at tlie 
next assizea he was forced to do, contrary to his incli- 
nations, as well as to the inclinntiona of the lord Pau- 
let, Sir William Portman, Sir John Stoweli, Sir Ralph 
Hopton, Sir Francis Popham, Sir Edward Rodney, 
Sir Francis Doddington, Sir Jo. Hornet, Edward Pau- 
let, William Basset, George Spcke, John Wyndham, 
Thomas Lutlerel, William Walrone,and divers others; 
who drew >ip a petition to the king, shewing the great 
inconveniencies that would befall the county, if these 
meetings and assemblies should now be set up again. 
But before these gentlemen could deliver their petition 
to ihc king, it was prevented by the coming forthof his . 
majesty's declaration, conccraing lawful sports; his 
majesty giving the ensuing warrant for the same. 


" Canterbury, Bee that our declaration, concerning 
recreations on the Lord's-day, after evening-prayer, be 

And accordingly, on the IBth of October 163S, it 
came forth in print, and was to this effect : 

" That king James, of blessed memojy, in his return 
from Scotland, coming through Lancashire, found that 
his subjects were debarred from lawful recreations up- 
on Sundays, after evening-prayers ended, and upon 
holydays. And he prudently considered, that if these 
times were taken from them, the meaner sort who la- 
bour hard all the week, should have no recreations at 
all, to refresh their spirits. And, after his return, he 
further saw, that his loyal subjects in all other parts of 
his kingdom did suffer in the same kind, though pcr-> 



dhief justice j^hapdson to be reprimanded 
in such a seiKxift; manner by the bishop of 

haps not in the flame degree ; and did therefore, in his 
princely wisdom/ publish a declaration to all his loving 
flubjects^ concerning lawful sports to be used at such 
tinges ; which was printed and published by his royal 
commandment in the year 16 18, in the teiior which 
hereafter followeth. 

" Whereas, upon his majesty's return last year out 
pf Scotland, he did publish his pleasure, touching the 
recreations of his people in those parts, under his hand. 
For some causes him thereunto moving, hath thought 
good to command these his directions, then given in 
Lancashire, with a few words thereunto added, and 
most appliable to these parts of the realm, to be pub- 
lished to all his subjects. 

" Whereas he did justly, in his progress through 
Lancashire, rebuke some puritans and precise people ; 
and took order, that the like unlawful carriage should 
Bot be used by any of them hereafiter, in the prohibiting 
and unlawful punishing of his good people for using 
their lawful recreations^ and honest exercises, upon 
Sundays, and other holidays, after the afternoon-sermon 
pr service. His majesty hath now found, that two 
sorts of people, wherewith it^at country is much infect- 
ed, viz. papists and puritans, hath maliciously traduced 
and calumniated those his just and honourable pro- 
ceedings : and therefore, lest his reputation might, 
upon the one side (though innocently), have some 
aspersioiklaid upon it; and that, upon the other part, 
his good people in that country be misled by the mis- 
taking and misinterpretation of his meaning, his ma- 
jesty hath therefore thought good hereby to clear and 
make his pleasure to be manifested to all his good peo- 
ple in those parts. 




London, that, says Hcylin, he came out 
blubbering and complaining, that he had 

" It is true, that, at his first entry to this crown and 
kingdom, he was informed, and thai truly, that his 
county of Lancashire abounded more in popish recu- 
sants than any county of England, and thus hath still 
continued since, to his great regret, with little ameud- 
meat; save that, now of late, in his last riding through 
his said county, hath found, both by the report of the 
judges and of the bishop of that diocess, tiiat tliere is 
some amendment now daily beginning, which is no 
small contentment to his majesty. The report of this 
growing amendment amongst them, made his majesty 
the more sorry, when, with his own ears, lie heard the 
gepieral complaint of his people, that they were de- 
barred from all lawful recreations and exercise upon the 
Sunday's afternoon, after the ending of all divine ser- 
vlce, which cannot but produce two evils : the one, the 
hindeiiog the conversion of many, whom their priests 
will take occasion hereby to vex, persuading them that 
an honest mirth or recreation is lawful or tolerable ia 
the religion which the king professeth, and which can- 
not but breed a great discontentment in his people's 
hearts, especially of such as are, peradventure, upon the 
point of turning. The other inconvenience is, that this 
prohibition barreth the common and meaner sort of 
people from using such exercises as may make their 
bodies more able for war, when his majesty or his suc- 
cessors shall have occasion to use them ; and in place 
thereof, sets up tipling and filthy drunkenness, and 
breeds a number of idle and discotitentcd speeches in - 
tlieir ale-houses. For when shall the common people 
have leave to exercise, if not upon the Sundays and 
holidays, seeing that they must apply their labour, and 
win their living, in all working-days ? 


Jim.. ^W.y.:-. v.-Mvtf^;v;«^- .•.'^:^y.^^y:^^^:^, --;..-:■ -^h^j 


been almost choaked with a pair of la^^u 
sleeves. This declaration, we are assured 

" The king^s express pleasure therefore is, that the 
laws of this kingdom^ and canons of the church, be as 
well observed in that county, as in all other places of 
this his kingdom. And, on the other part, that no 
lawful recreation shall be barred to his good people, 
which shall not tend to the breach of the aforesaid 
laws and canons of his church : which to express more 
particularly, his majesty's pleasure is, that the bishops, 
and all other inferior churchmen, and church-wardens, 
shall, for their parts, be careful and diligent, both to 
instruct the ignorant, and convince and reform them 
that are misled in religion ; presenting them that will 
not conform themselves, but obstinately stand out, to 
the judges and justices ; whom he likewise commands 
to put the laws in due execution against them. 

" His majesty's pleasure likewise is, that the bishop 
of the diocess take the like strict order with all the pu- 
ritans and precisians within the same, either constiain 
them to conform themselves, or to leave the country, 
according to the laws of this kingdom, and canons of 
tills church, and so to strike equally on both hands 
against the contemners of his authority, and adversa- 
ries of the church. And as for his good people's law- 
ful recreation, his pleasure likewise is, that, after the 
end of divine service, his good people be not disturbed, 
letted, or discouraged from any lawful recreation ; such 
as dancing, either men or women; archery for men, 
leaping, vaulting, or any other such harmless recreop- 
tions; nor from having of Mayjgames, Whitson-ales, 
and Morice-dances, and the setting up of May-poles, 
and other sports therewith used; so as the same be had 
in due and convenient time, without impediment ox 
neglect of divine service. And that womien shall hare 

^^^^^^^^^^^^^"--^ •'''- ^^^^^^^^^^*^^>^^^^»^> 


by Whitlock, gave great distaste, not only 

leave to carry rushes to the church, for the decorating 
of it, according to their old custom. But withal bu 
majesty doth hereby account still as prohibited all un- 
lawful games to be used upon Sundays only, as bear 
and bull-baitings, interludes, and, at all times in the 
meaner sort of people by law prohibited, bowling. 

" And likewise bars from this benefit and liberty, all 
such known recusants, either men or women, as will 
abstain from coming to church or divine service; be- 
ing therefore unworthy of any lawful recreation after 
the said service, that will not first come to the church 
and serve God : prohibiting in like sort the said recre- 
ations to any that, though conform in religion, are not 
present in the church at the service of God, before 
their going to the said recreations. His pleasure like- 
wise is, that they, to whom it belongeth in office, shall 
present and sharply punish all such as, in abuse of this 
his liberty, will use thcs^ exercises before the end of 
all divine services for that day. And he doth likewise 
straigbtly command, that every person shall resort to 
his own parish-church to hear divine service, and each 
parish by itself to use the said recreation after divine 
service : prohibiting likewise any offensive weapons to 
be carried, or used, in the same times of recreation.. 
And his pleasure it; that this hia (declaration shall be 
published, by order from the bishop of the diocess, 
through all the porisb^hurches f and that both the 
judges of the circuits, and the justices of the peace, 
jjp informed thereof. 

" Given at the manor of Greenwich the 24th day of 
May, in the sixteenth year of his majesty's reign, 
of England, France, and Ireland, and of Scotland, 
the pne and fiftieth.*' 

*' Kow out of a like pious care for the service of 


■ va%vwyff>y«>>-kV:-^- ■..s-.-'^,.w»..0,ii 


to those who were usually termed puritans. 

k « 

God, and for suppressing of any humours that oppose 
truth, and for the ease, comfort, and recreation of 
his well-deserving people, his majesty doth ratify and 
publish this his blessed father's declaration;. the rather, 
because of late, in some counties of this kingdom, 
his majesty finds that, under pretence of taking away 
abuses, there hath been a general forbidding, not only 
of ordinary meetings, but of the feasts of the dedication 
. of the churches, commonly called Wakes. Now his 
majesty's express will and pleasure is, that these feasts, 
with others, shall be observed ; and that his justices of 
the peace, in their several divisions, shall look to it, 
both that all disorders there may be prevented or 
punished, and that all neighbourhood and freedom, 
with manlike and lawful exercises, be used. And his 
majesty Ikirther commands all justices of assize, in 
their several circuits, to see, that no man do trouble or 
molest any of his loyal and dutiful people, in or for 
tlieir lawful recreations, having first done their duty to 
God, and continuing in obedience to his majesty's 
laws. And for this his majesty commands all his 
judges, justices of peace, as well within liberties as 
without, majors, bailiffs, constables, and other officers, 
to take notice of, and to see observed, as they tender 
his displeasure. And doth fixrther willy that publication 
of this his command be made, by order from the 
bishopsi, through all4:he parish churches of their several 
diocesses respectively. 

'* Given at the palace of Westminster, the 18th dgy 
of October, in the ninth year of his reign. 
"God save the King V 

* Rnshw. Collections, part 2nd, vol. I. fol. p. 191.196. Lond. IMO. 
Franklin's Annals, p. 437. fol. I/md, 1681. Heylin's life of Laud, 
p. 3^5-258. fol. Lond. 16^8, 


bfit to many others ; and, as we shall here- 
after see, produced ill effects. 

But though, trom this declaration, one 

This is the declaration for sports on the Sabbaih-day, 
■0 often mentioned by writers; wliich I chose to give 
at length, that tlie reader might the better be ^le to 
judge of it. — For my own part, I shall content myself 
with observing, that, howe»er the question concern- 
ing the morality of the Sabbath (for by that name it 
generally went in the times of which we are writing) 
be detejinined, the public licence and encouragement 
of diversioys, after divine service, was a tiling of ill 
report, destine tive to the morals of the common people, 
opposite to a statute made in this reign, and yet in 
force", of a tendency to eiface any good impressions 
received in the worship of God, and seemingly incon- 
sistent with the answer or prayer subjoined to the 
fourth commandment in the Common Prayer-book, 
" Lord, have mercy upon us, and incline our hearts 
to keep Uiislaw!" and consequently must leave an ill 
impression on the minds of men, with respect to his 
majesty's regard to rehgion and morality; more 
especially, when it is known that he himself made 
use of the liberty he gave to his subjects, for it must 
not be concealed, tliat Charles scrupled not giving a 
mask on a Sunday, as we aie informed In a letter from 
the reverend Mr. Gerrard to the lord-deputy Wcnt- 
worlh, dated London, Feb. 7, 16S7. '* The French 
and Spanish ambassadors," says he, " were both at the 
king's mask, but not rcceivctl as ambassadors. Tlie 
French sat amongst the ladies, the Spanish in a box. 
Jt was performed on a Sunday-ulght, the day after the 


D^ould Irilfre imagined king Charles not sub^* 
ject to the weaknesses of those against whom 
it w?is cbiibfly pointed ; yet nothing can be 

Twelfth-night, in very cold weather, so that the house 
was not filled according to expectation. The act of 
cooiu^ to drive all men into the country, the coldness 
of the weather, the day Sunday, and the illness of the 
invention of the scenes, .yere given for causes, why so 
pmall a company came to see it. My lord-treasurer 
[bishop Juxton] was there by command*." — But to go 
on.-r-It certainly is a very odd way to express a pious 
care for the service of God, by encouraging |{|i>rice- 
dances. May-games, and May-poles, on the day set 
apart for his worship ; and men could not easily bring 
themselves to believe that the practice of virtue could 
be much promoted by the mixt dancing of men and 
.women, and their association at Wakes and Whitson- 
aJes. .For, whatever may be thought of it, if the 
common people gad abroad on the Sunday, and spend 
lit in idleness or diversions, a loose turn of mind will 
te contracted, and a great depravity of manners ensue: 
and, therefore, it behoves those who are in authority, 
to promote a regular and exemplary behaviour on the 
Lord's-day, whereby decency of manners MfiU be in- 
creased, knowledge advanced, and a sense of religion 
(a thing of the greatest importance to, societies, as 
well as to individuals) heightened in th^ioajnds of men. 
This, I say, is the duty of those in authority : If they 
neglect it, tliey are not to wonder at the wickedness 
and stupidity of those about them, or complain of thei^ 
.i^SCBch of every social duty. 

^ Straflbrde's Letters and Dispatches, rol. II. p. 148. 



more certain, tlia,n that'' he fell into supcr- 

" He fell into siiperstiuon, the vice of weak minds.] , 
Superstition is a debasement of reason and religion ; ! 
it is entertaining misapprehensions of Almighty God; 
it is the practice of things weak and ridiculous, i 
order to please him, whereby it excites in the mind' 
cliimerieai hopes, ill-grounded fears, and vain expect, 
ations: in short, it is weakness, attended with ua- 
easinesE and dread, and productive of confusion and 
horror. Every one knows the mischiefs superstition 
has produced in the world : gods of all sorts and kinds; 
sacrifices of beasts and men; rights, ceremonies, and 
postures ; antick tricks, and cruel torments ; with every 
other thing which, from time to time, has been falseHw I 
called by the name of religion, have arose from heao^ I 
It took its rise early in the world, and soon Bprea^ j 
itself over the face of the earth ; and few, very few, 
were there who were wholly free from it. The doctrine 
of Christ, indeed, was calculated to destroy its do* J 
minion, and to restore religion to its original lustre, by 
teaching men to think honourably of the Deity, to 
practise virtue, to submit cheerfully to the Divine ' 
Will, and expect happiness from his hands in conse- 
quence thereof. Very little stress is laid on esternalB 
by the writers of the New Testament, It is sobriety 
and righteousness, it is the love of God and men, it is 
meekness and humility, and every thing lovely and 
praiseworthy, which are insisted oo in, and recom- 
niended hy it: but as for pomp, and parade and shew, 
these were not thought worthy of notice, or deemed \ 
mischievous aud hurtful. Yet, notwithstanding this, I 
superstition very soon found an entrance among Chris- ' 
tians, and at length increased to aB -enormous si 
The reformation of religion, and the revival of letters, 
were somewhat unfriendly to it; but wheiher it be the 


stition, the vice of weak minds; which oc- 


craft of those who subsist by the ignorance and cre- 
dulity of others, or whether it be a proneness in men 
to superstition, or their laziness and inattention to 
other than sensible objects ; I say, whether it be owing 
to one or all of these causes, superstition remained 
still alive, and shewed itself even among those who 
gloried that they had got rid of the papal yoke. I 
doubtnot, Charles would have beenafFronled, iiad any 
one told him he was superstitious, especially when in 
the height of hie power; and, I believe, it would not 
have been very safe for any one to have attempted to 
prove it: however, what would have then been im- 
prudent, may now be safe; and therefore, at the dis- 
tance of more than an hundred years, I think I may 
hazard the charging it on him. But it is not expect- 
ed my word alone should be taken ; let the reader heai- 
the evidence, and then judge impartially. His majesty 
in a letter to the queen, dated Jan. 14, 1644-5, has 
the following paragraph. 

" I will not trouble thee with repetitions of news, 
Digby's dispatch, which 1 have seen, being so full, that 
I can add nothing ; yet I cannot but paraphrase on 
that which he calls his superstitious observation. It 
is this : nothing can be more evident, than that Straf- 
ford's innocent blood hath been one of the great causes 
of God's just judgments upon this nation, by a furious 
civil war; both sides hitherto being almost equally 
punished, as being in a manner equally guilty: but 
now this last crying blood [Laud's] being total ly theirs, 
I believe it no presumption hereafter to hope, that his 
hand of justice must be heavier upon them, and lighter 
upon us, looking now upon our cause, having passed by 
our faults'." 

• The King's Cabinet Opened, p. 2-1, 


casioned his making unreasonable vows. 

Dr. Peiinchief assures us, "That after the army 
had forced him from Holmby, and in their several r&- ' 
moves had brought him to Latmas, an house of the 
earl of Devonshire, on August 1, being Sunday in the 
morning, before sermon, he led forth with him, into 
the garden, the reverend Dr. Sheldon, (who then at- j 
tended on him, and whom he was pleased to use as his 
confessor) and drawing out of his pogket a paper, com- 
manded him to read it, transcribe it, and so to deliver 
it to him again. This paper contained several vows, ' 
which he had obliged his soul unto, for the glory of j 
his Maker, the advance of true piety, and the emolu- 
ment of the church. And among them this was onA 4 
that he would do public penance for the injustice he 
had suffered to be done to the eari of Strafford, liis 
consent to those injuries that were done to the church 
of England, (though at that time he had yielded to no 
more than the taking away of the high commission, 
and the bishops' power to vote in parliament) and to 
the church of Scotland : and adjured the doctor, that 
if ever he saw him in a condition to observe that or 
any of those vows, he should solicitously mind him of 
the obligations, as he dreaded the guilt of the breach 
should lie upon his own soul V 

One of these vows we have remaining in his majes- 
ty's own words, as follows: " I do hereby promise aud 
solemnly vow, in the presence and for the service of 
almighty God, that if it shall please the Divine Ma- 
jesty, of his infinite goodness, to restore me to my just ' 
kingly rights, and to re-establish meinnj throne, I 
will wholly give back to his church all those impro- 
priations which are uow held by the crown ; and what 
lands soever I do now, or should enjoy, which have 

• PerinchiersUfe of Charles I. p. 60. 



consulting the stais, and regarding omens ! 

been taken away either from any episcopal see, or any 
cathedral or collegiate church, from any abbey, or 
jother religipus house. I likewise promise for hereafter 
to hold them from the church, under such reasonable 
jKnes and rents as shall be set down by some conscien- 
tious persons, whom I propose to chuse, with all up- 
rightness of heart, to direct me in this paiticular. 
And I most humbly beseech God to accept of this my 
vow, and to bless me in the design I have now in 
hand, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 


''Oxford, Ap. 13, 1646. 

^'^ This is a true copy of the kidg*s vow, which was 
preserved thirteen years under ground, by me, 

" 1660, Aug. 21. Gilb. Sheldon *.^ 

I would t|ot chuse to make any reflections on these 
vows of Charles ; but I am persuaded the sensible 
xeader will not be displeased with the following obser- 
vations on vows in general. In my own opinion, they 
are very just. — " I remember a saying of ^ome of the 
Jewish doctors, that vows, for the most part, come 
fr(^n some evil principle; and therefore tjiey advise 
those who consult the quiet of their minds, to be very 
cautious in making them, because they are most times 
only snares to them : and it very often appears, that 
those who are of the most unfit tempers to make vows, 
are the most ready to do it. For those who are apt to 
be transported with passion, or are sensible of the 
instability of their own temper, think to give stronger 
cheoks to rafemselves by entering into solemn vows ; 
from whence they vow that frequently, in a heat of 
zeal or passion, which, upon farther consideration, 

4 UNere'^Liyes of the Archbishops, &c p. 178, Svo. Lond. ItSO. 

..^^ ^v,W->.V.^.. > . .^.VVAV^ ->O^^WtfW»Tflt«WV^^ 

f^ CHARL£S I. lb 

But tlj|||twas but a trifle, compared with his 
obstinate attachment to his own opinions, 

they may see cause to repeat *." — ^But to return to our 

The following transaction^ related by Dr. Welwood, 
may possibly have somewhat of the same weakness in 
it ; though I produce it not as a proof of Charles's 
superstition^ but for the entertainment of the reader. 

" The king being at Oxford, during the civil wars, 
went one day to see the public library, where he was 
«hewed, among other books, a Virgil, nobly printed, 
and exquisitely .bound. The lord Faulkland, to di- 
vert the king, would have his majesty make his trial of 
his fortune by the ^ SorU9 Virgiliance, which, every 
.JUP^y ^^^^"^^^ w^ ^^ usual kind of augury some ages 
4|^ist. Whereupon the king opening the book, the 
period which happened to come up was that of Dido's 
imprecation against £neas, which Mr. Dxyden tran- 
slates thus : 


'* Yet let a^race-untamM, and haughty foei^ 

«^ peaceful entrance with dire arms oppoee x 
ppressM with numbers in th' unequal Mdf 
^ His men discouraged, and himself ezpdPd; 

Let him for succour sue from place to place, i* / 

Tom from his subjects* and his sons' embrace !' 
First let him see his friends in hattle slain, 
And their untimely fate lament in vain ; 
And when at length the cruel war shall cease, ' Tr' 

On hard conditions may he buy on peace. 

■' ji ^J Nt ^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^" ^oy supren^e command, 
. v *;; But fail untimely by some hostile hand, 
. '" ' f . And lie unbnry'd on the tarien sand. 

g^g^ ^ /EneidiT.L8^ 

*^ It is said king Charles seemed concerned at this 
accident; and that the lord Faulkland observing it, 

* Stillmgfleet's Miscellaneous jgsceurseg, p. 12. Svo. Londi 1735. 
U|n ooncernMig theie, Ga[liH||p Lots, p. 340. 4tOb Lond. UZI. 

*^OL. II. F 


a*^ THE LIFE OF % 

in what he deemed religion, his ill |p|Qghts 
of such as differed from him in it, ihe zeal 

would likewise try his own fortune in the same manner^ 
hoping he might fall upon some passage that could 
have no relation to his case, and thereby divert the 
king's thoughts from any impression the other might 
have upon him. But the place that Faulkland 
stumbled upon, was yet more suited to his destiny 
than the other had been to the king's, being the follow- 
ing expressions of Evander, upon the untimely death 
of his son Pallas, as they are translated by the samcr 
hand. v, 

.. «f OPallaJi! thou hast faiPd thy plighted word, 
^Sjh fif^t with caution, not ^^i^P^ ^^^ swocd : 
■T^ warn'd thee, but in vain ;'lw well I knew 

What perils youthful ardour would pursue : ^filL* 

That boiling blood would carry thee too far; wfw 

Young as thou wert in dangers, raw to war ! 
O curstessay of arms, disastrous doom, 
Prelude of bloody fields, and fights to come ' !" 

JEneid xi. 1. 230. 

But though his majesty had such ill fortune;,read to 
him from Virgil, he was still inquisitive into rotniity, 
and desirous of direction from the stars. Wh^h^ 
was' 'it Hampton-court^ in 1647, he meditated an 
escape from the soldiery ; and madam Whorewood, by 
his consent, came to receive ray judgment, (says Lilly) 
vifSf^in what quarteiLpf this nation he might be most 
safe, and not be dTscovered until himself pli *" 
After erection of my figure, I told her, about 
miles (or thereabouts) from London, and in 
y^ certain he might contnu undiscovered/' 
another time^ about September, the parliament sent 
thjcar conmiissioners with propositions to him into the 
isle'of Wight. Whereuj^n the lady Whorewood 

* Welwood'ft Memoirs, MinftDo. Oltegow, Vt^, 



he was actuated with against them, and the 
hardships he suffered to be inflicted on 

came again unto Lilly from the king, or by bis con* 
sent, to be directed, " After the perusal of ray figure," 
ad4« Be, " I told her the commissioners would be there 
■neh a day ; I elected a day and hour when to receive 
tm commissioners and propositions; and as soon as 
the propositions were read, to sign them, aad make 
haste with all speed to come up with the commissioners 
to London. The army being then far distant from 
Lon«ion, and the city enraged stoutly against them, 
be promised he would so do'." — I will add but one-or 
two proofs more. " The king's deportment (at his trial) 
says Warwick, was very majestic and steddy; and yet, 
ae he contest himself to the bishop of London 
(tftlxon) that attended him, one actJtiB shocked him 
very muL-h: fur wh^it be was leaning in the court 
upon his stall', which had an bead of gold, thiChead 
broke off ou a. sudden. He took it Dp, butseemed 
niiconcerned i yet told the bishop,, it. really made a 
great impression upon him; andfto: this hour," says 
be, " 1 know not how it should ptM^bly come ^." 

And Dr. Perinchief tells us, " that while the king 
was at Oxford, and the earl of Southampton, as gentle- 
nao o#^e bedchamber, lay one night in the same 
chamber with him, the wax-mortar, vvliich, according 
to castom the king always had in his chamber, was in 
the night, as they both qpficeived and took notice of, 
folly extinguished. But my lord rising in the morn- 
iDg found it lighted, and af^- to the king, Sir, this 
mortar iww burns very clm^f. at which thejr both 
exceedingly wondered, as fiiUy conclttdiag it^^k^ been 
oat in the night; and they coald not iraagiwliow.ito]r 

tt '"' 
' Uttft Histoy of bii 14^ "kI TUbm, p. 60, 0i. -T* W«rirt*i 

ifemoin, p. 339. ^■ 



them; his superstition was but a trifle, I 

say, when compared with " his bigotry, 

pf the grooms, or any other, could possibly light it, 
the door being locked w ith a spring within. This busy- 
ing the wonder of both for the present, the king after- 
wards, when he saw the malice of his enemies press 
hard upon his life and ruin, reflecting upon this occur- 

. rence, drew it into this presage, that though God 
would permit his light to be extinguished for a time, 
yet he would at last light it again'." 

Mr. Aubrey, on the authority of Fabian Philips, re- 
lates that Charles, after he was condemned, told Col. 
Tomlinson, " that he believed the English monarchy 
was now at an end : about half an hour after, he told 
the colonel, that now he had an assurance, by a strong 
impulse on his spirit, that his son should reign after 
him ''." , 

Thaj^are the facts on which I found the assertion of 
the superstition of this monarch; a superstition which 

, was attended with a bigotry remarkable, as we shall 
soon see. 

"■ Hia bigotry was most excessive.] Charles had 
religious prejudices deeply implanted in him, which 
were heightened greatly by the superstition of his 
temper, the influence of ecclesiastics, and political 
considerations. He viewed those who diflered from 
him, in the important points of ceremonies and church- 

_ government, as weak and mean, as dangerous and 
odious, and worthy his utmost zeal to reclaim or 

'punish; for supevsiition is generally attended with 
(bigotry, and bigotry is the bane of charity and benevo- 
lence. For the bigot is inspired with fervent zeal; he 
views himself as employed in God's work, and intitlcd 

• Ufc orchiries I. p. 12. See also Wood'i Farti, c. B4. * Mrs 

cellBDJes, p, 89. tio. Load. 1(>96. 


which was most excessive. We are not 


to ills favour and proiection, and consequently tbat 
the more he'laboiirs in il, the greater will his rewjird 
be. Wlience it comes to pass, ihat no considerations 
will stop the hands of such a one; but he will sacrifice 
every sentiment of humanity, regard to his country, 
and even bis own ease and peace, in order to make 
■ounce their own sentiments, profess a belief 
of like sound, and practise rites of the same sort : uor 
will he be easy himself, or let others have any quiet, 
if he cannot accomplish it. — Whether Charles was of 
this character, will be best of all judged from the 
following auiborities, — " Tlie king was always the most 
punctual observer of all decency in his devotion, and 
the strictest promoter of the ceremonies of tiie church, 
as believing, in bis sou), the church of England to be 
instituted the nearest to the practice of the apostles, 
and the best for the propagation and advancement of 
the Christian religion, of any church in the world. 
And, on the other side, be bad the highest dislike and 
prejudice to that part of his own subjects, who were 
against the government established ; and did always 
look upon them as a very dangerous and seditious 
people, who would, under pretence of conscience, 
which kept them from submitting to the spiritual juris- 
diction, take the first opportunity they could find, or 
make, to withdraw themselves from their temporal 
subjection: and therefore he had, with the utmost 
vigilance, caused that temper and disposition to be 
watched and provided against in England ; and, if it 
were then in truth there, it lurked with wonderful 
secrecy '." 

" When he was pressed by the parliament ministers 
to give way for a small catechism for children, * I will 

■ Clarendon, vol. I. p. 81. 




thCTefore to wondftr at his attention to littil 

nojf/ says he^.. ' (akilrfttpcHi me to determiDe all tbese 
texts you quote are rightly applied, lifd have their 
true .sense given ihmn ; and 1 assure you, gentlemen^ 
I would license a cateehil^in, at a venture, sooner for 
men than I would for children, because they can judge 
for themselves : and I make a great conscience to per- 
miVthat children should be corrupted in their first 
principles/ — I remember," say s the same author, ''one 
evening his majesty told me, that he should be like a 
captain that had defended a place well, and hi» 
superiors not being able to relieve him, he had leave 
to surrender it: ' but, (he replied) though they can- 
not relieve me in the time I demanded it, let them 
relieve me when they can ; else I will hold it out, till 
I make some stone in this building my tombstone; 
and so will I do', says he, ' by the church of England*.** 

And as for the divines or chaplains, who attended 

on the commissioners from the parliament to the king, 
when at Holmby-house, we are told, '* that the king 
used them civilly, and conversed with them friendly as 
private men ; but would not let them so much as say 
grace to him, since they refused to officiate to him 
by the Liturgy K" 

The same spirit he retained to the last, according t9 
ihe author I have so frequently cited in this note. 
After his condemnation, some ministers, who had ad*> 
hered to the parliaqient, came to offer their service U> 
pray with him. His majesty being informed of it hj|^^ 
Dn,Jiixon, replied, " Thank them from me for the. 
tender of jdiiem selves; but tell them plainly, that th^ 
that have so often.and causelessly pra3'ed agaimt vane^ 
flhaU never pray with me in this agony. TlH^fMKiy, 

* Warwick's Memoirs, p. 327. ^ Idem, p. sto, and Wood'» 

AthensB Ozonieiises, toI. II. c. ttS. * 


■ • ■ ■ > -■ 

Vf '1 r II 


things/his busying himsdf about them, and 

if they please^ (and I'll thank them for it) pray for 

This answer is related by Mr. Herbert in a softer as 
well as a different manner. " At this time," (Jan. 30.) 
«ays he, " came to St. James's Ed. Calamy, Rich. 
Vines, Jos, Caryl, Will. Dell, and some other London 
ministers, who presented their duty to the king, with 
their humble desires to pray with him, and perform 
other offices of service, if his majesty would please to 
accept of them. The king Returned them thanks for 
their love to his soul, hoping they and all other good 
subjects would, in their addresses to God, be mindful 
of him; but in regard he had made choice of Dr. 
Juxon, whom for many years he had known to be a 
pious and learned divine, and able to administer ghostly 
comfort to his soul^ suitable to his present condition, 
he would have none other*." I will conclude my au- 
liiorities with a few passages from Dr. Perinchief. — 
'^'He [Charles] was careful of uniformity, both because 
he knew the power of just and lawful princes consisted 
in the union of their subjects, who never are cemented 
stronger than by an unity of religion. Besides, he saw 
Aat there was no greater impediment to a sincere piety, 
because that time and those parts that might improve 
godliness to a growth, were all wasted and corrupted 
in malice and slanders, betwixt the dissenters^ about 
fbrms. He was more tender in preserving the truths 
of Christianity, than the rights of his throne. — Thus,** 
adds I^Ib w^ittf, ^^ though he could not infuse spiritual 
prices into the minds of hid subjects^ yet he would 
oanage their reason by pious arts : and what the ex- 
ample of a king could ntof^io, that bis law should, 
«hd he would restrain those vices which he could not 

* Wood'i Athens OxniMiei, t<dL IL AOff^lbL Lond. 1791. 



7fl THE LIFE OfPi 

employing'' himsglfm works, which, though 

extirpateV — Here we see zeal for uniformity in rites 
and modes, a stiff adherence to particular fonns, a 
settled resolution to maintain and impose them, aiising 
from a belief of tlieir being most acceptable to the 
Deity, and conducive to men's salvation; and also the 
highest dislike and prejudice against sucb as were of 
dillereat sentiments, and endeavours to suppress them: 
I say, all this we here see, and consequently the 
bigotry of Charles, which led him to allow of and en- 
courage such severities, on the account of religious 
opinions, as raised in the minds of his subjects dislilje 
and aversion, and contributed to his ruin, as in the 
course of this work will appear. 

" Employing himself in works unworthy of his ele- 
vated rank, &c,] A king should act like himself. He 
should attend to those matters which relate to ihe wel- 
fare and happiness of his people ; he should study their 
genius and manners, and employ his thoughts in de- 
vising ways for promoting their grandeur and felicity. 
Modest merit he should inquire after, arts and sciences 
he should encourage, useful inventions he should re- 
ward, attend to the complaints of bis subjects, and 
readily redress their grievances. In a word, his care 
should be to distribute equal and impartial justice to 
those under his rule,' and defend them from the insults 
and oppressions of the nations around them. This, I 
say, is the doty of a king; and he who would dis- 
charge it well, had need give it his time and pains. As 
for lesser matters, though they may be useful or orna- 
mental in private life, it is not expected a prince should 
excel in them; much less contend with such as pro- 
fessedly addict themselves to them, and reap emolu- 
ment from them. What in these is praiseworthy, in a 

R ■ life of King CharleE, p. 62. 

not blameable in themselves, were unworthy , 
of the elevated rank in "which he was placed. 

king is mean; below his cliaracter, and what must 
render him but little respectable to those around him. 
But Charles either understood not this, or acted dia- 
metrically contrary to It, " He minded little things 
too much, and was more concerned io the drawing of 

a paper, than in fighting a battle'." " Whensoever 

his secretaries had drawn up, by ihe direction of" the 
council, d eclaia lions or any other papers, and offered 
them to his perusal, though both iheyand the council 
had done their parts, yet he would always wiih his 
own hand correct them, both as to matter and form ; t 
he commonly using these words wlien he took the pen 
in his hand, Come, 1 am a good cobler : and the cor- 
rections were acknowledged by them all to be both for 
the greater lustre and advantage of the WJ■itings^" 
Agreeably hereunto Sir Philip Warwick writes. 
" Though he was of as slow a pen as of speech, yet 
both were very significant : and he had that modest 
esteem of his own parts, that he would usually say. 
He would willingly make his own dispatches, but that 
he found it better to be a cobler than a shoemaker. I 
have been in company with very learned men, when 
I have brought them their own papers back from bim 
with his alterations, who ever confessed his amend- 
ments to have been very material. And I once, by his 
commandment, brought luui a paper of my own to 
read, to see whether it was suitable to his directions, 
and he disallowed it slightingly : I desired him I 
m^ht call Dr. Sanderson to aid me, and that the 
doctor might understand his own meaning from him- 
self; and with his majesty's leave 1 brought him, 
whilst he was walking aud taking the air; whereupon 

• Burnpt, to!, t. p. 71. ' rerineliitf, p, 11, 


Lord Clarendon* assures us^ that he was 
not in his nature verjr? bountiful, though he 

we two went back ; but pleased him as little, when 
we returned it: for smilingly he said, a man might 
have as good ware out of a chandler's shop: but after- 
wards he set it down with his own pen very plainly, 
and suitably to his own intentions V But it will be 
ir^cessary to be more particular on this head, and 
therefore I shall give a short detail of the employments 
in which he busied himself, even sometimes when one 
would have thought he might have been more profit- 
ably engaged. — He took the pains, we are told, to 
epitomize Laud's book against Fisher^, and to trans- 
late Dr. Sanderson's book de Juramentis : he writ 
many annotations and quotations with his own hand in 
the margin of his Bible '^, and was at the pains of draw- 
ing instructions for his archbishops Abbot and Laud, 
perasiog the accounts they gave of their provinces, and 
writing marginal notes on them, in which he discover- 
ed his bigotry, superstition, and attachment to the 
priesthood. " I will have no preest have anie necessity 
of a lay dependanl::ie," says he in one of them. In a 
aecQDdy remarking on Laud's acquainting him that there 
were some Bfownists in his diocess, and that the only 
remedy was to make the chief seducers be driven to 
algure the kingdom, he says, '^ Informe me of the 
Harticulars, uad I «hall command the judges to make 
tftem abjure." I will add only a tturd, which was 
wpmit by hitt «|Mn^a complaint against five ministers 
ibr not catechising : ^' I desire," says he, *' to know 
the certainty of this**." In short, whoever would km^iir 

• Vol. V. p. 257. * Memoirt, p. TO. * H. p. 82. and Dug- 
itkWa Short View, p. 3ft9. " Wood's AtheBseOKon. vol. II.,c.ll01. 

* The Archbisho|)*s vmitial Accounts of his Province to the Kin^i ^tpM 
<end of Laud's troubles aqd trial, by Wharton. Lond. fol. 1695» * ,, 




gave very much. This appeared more after 
the duke of Buckingham's death, after 
which those showers fell very rarely ; and 
he paused too long in giving ; wfatoh made 
those to whom he gave, less sensible of the 


^ the littleness of the mind of Charles, and the attention 

he paid to trifles, cannot do better than read his in- 

^ struct ions about church matters, and his remarks on 

the accounts he received concerning them. — But to go 
^ on. — When his majesty was at Newcastle, in the year 
1646, he engaged in a controversy with Mr. Alexander 
Henderson, a Scotch divine, concerning the change 
of chftnch-govemment ; in which, after the manner 

■I of polemical divines, he debates strenuously against 

presbytery; declares his opinion that church-govern- 
ment is an essential; that it was of such consequence, 

\ ^ as, by the alteration of it, we should deprive ourselves 

♦ of a lawful priesthood ; and then, says he, how the 

^* ' sacraments can be duly administered, is easy to judge*, 
"^^9 — When the king was at Holdenby, April 23, 1647, 
^ he propounded to the parliament's commissioners the 
following ..fu^rr, Why the new reformers discharge 
the keeping of Easter i " Thoi reason for this qiiare ia, 
^(Madbive, . the cdebrationv«f this feast was instituted 
by tlie saoie auwority, wbioh^ changed the Jewish 
S(Ht)bath-day into the Lord's-day, or Sunday; for it 
will not be fopmd in Scripture where Saturday is dis- 
charged totii^ i^eptf or turned into the Sunday : where- 
fore it mus(/iN^:thet:burch's authorHy. that changed the 
one, and instifftUnd the othej^ Therefore my opinion 
is^ that those wIm will not keep tliis £Bast, may as well 
return to the. observation of Saturday, |uid refase tbe 

* Kii^^Charics's Works, p. 76. 







benefit. He kept state to the full, which 
made his court very orderly ; no man pre- 
suming to be seen in a place where he had 
no pretence to be. * 

Whether he had much sensibiUty of temper, 

weekly Sunday. When any body can shew me that I 
am in an error, I shall not be ashamed to confess and 
amend it ; ti]l when you know my mind. 

B " c. R.*." 

And at the treaty of Newport, Oct. 2, 1648, we find 
his majesty employing his pen on the same subject 
that be had d<jbated before with Henderson at New- 
castle. In short, Charles had a good deal of &e dis- 
putatious temper of his father, and the same itch after 
the lowest of theological controversies. For how poor 
a thing is it for a prince to attend to the reasons which 
are urged for or against episcopacy by polemical di- 
vines? How weak to imagine church-government to 
be an essential, or that the sacraments cannot be duly 
administered but by the priesthood, ordained in a 
particular way ? A man in Charles's situation, one * 
would have thought, should have studied to have 
gained friends, to have brought over foes, to have 
owned and palliated past misconduct, and to have 
yielded in time to such concessions as might have 
made him great and his people happy. But to trifle 
away time on things below a wise man's regard, any 
farther than as they aiford matter of diversion in his 
very critical circnmstances, was inexcusable weakness, 
and a debasement of character beyoud example. It is 
true, these were the controversies of the age: but con- 
troversies of this kind are fit only at all times for the 

' King Cbarlei's Works, p. 91. 


■ CHARLES I. 77 

may, perhaps, justly be made a questioa": 

idle, ant! iherelbre wholly unworthy of a prince when 
his crown was at stake, and even his very life in 

" Whether he had much sensibility of temper, may, 
perhaps, justly be made a question.] There are several 
facts recorded of Charles, which seem to shew him not 
overstocked with compassion at the misfortuoes of 
others, or touched with their calamities. The manner 
in which he received the news of the murder of Buck- 
ingham, has, 1 know, been looked on as proof of his 
great piety^and devotion; though it might, perhaps, 
with the same fine imagination, have been made an 
evidence of his want of feeling. " The news [of 
Buckingham's death] soon came to court, and the king 
understood it whilst he was at his morning public de- 
votion, and there he gave an evidence of his composed 
min^ for he exprest no passion, till the service was 
ended; and then he retired, and was very sensible of 
it"." This is plainly and naturally told. Lei us now 
see it decorated, — " His majesty was at the public 
prayers of the church, when Hit John Hippesly came 
into the room, with a troubled countenance, and 
without any pause, in respect of the exercise they 
were performing, went directly to the king, and 
whispered in his ear what had fallen out. His majesty 
continued unmoved, and without the least change in 
his countenance, till prayers were ended: when he 
suddenly departed to his chamber, and, threw himself 
npon his bed, lamenting, with much passion, and 
with abundance of tears, the loss he had of an ex- 
cellent servant, and the horrid manner in which he had 
been deprived of him: and he continued m (his melan- 
cholic discomposure of mind many days"." This la- 

' WarBick, It, 34. 

^ Clarendon, roL I. p. 30. 


thou)^ ^certain it is, be had not learned 

menting, with much passioa ami abaodance of tears. 
Kens to be an emb^lishmeatof the writer: for in Mr. 
Waller's line poem, addressed to his majestr on thi« 
occasion, we find not a hint of it ; bnt the whole turns 
on the devotion of Charies, the onmovedness of bis 
mind, aaiku kindness to ^ duke's family. 

« He Ikt .rib tbiK rioll -dsh P*** D-vi*5 d«d^ 
Shall Boa hiipMMB, Bothli lore csMcdi: 



tre hi* brave friend dyH, 

9mt let ral« Zib> 

>ith hit I 

bDir divide : 

Whert.lhf immorl 
like that of he«-| 

lat luVE to thj bleM rrieiiils, ^ 
1, upon their Med docoxls. 

nodlike, umnoi'd -, and yet like vomu kicd." . 
llie following passage is from Whitlock, of which 
the reader will judge. " Prince Kupert, at Ciren- 
cester, took 1100 prisoners, and 3000 arms. These 
prisoners were led in much triumph to Oxford, where 
tbe king and lords looked on them, and too many 
smiled at their misery, being tied together with cords, 
almost naked, beaten, and driven along )ike dogs. 
Among them was a proper handsome man, of a very 
white skin, where it could be seen for Uie blood of his 
wounds: he not being able to go, was set naked upon 
the bare back of ua horse, his wounds gsping, and bis 
body smeared with blood ; yet he sat upright upon the 
horse, with an un^nated countenance, and, when near 
the king, a brawlu|r:Vomaa cried out to him. Ah yoa 
traitorly rogu^ ^ob are wail enough served: he, with 
a scornful look towards her, nnswered. You base 
whore: and instaiitly dropped ofTdead from his horse'." 
— " He was seldom, in the times of war, seen to be 
sorrowful for fht slaughter of liis people or soldiers, or 
indeed any ihiag else (says Lilly), whether by nature 

■ Wkitkek'i H«Dori>1<, p. el. fol. Load. 1738. 


to sacrifice to the graces '•. Much has beea 

or custom his heart was hardened^ I leave for others to 
judge. When unfortunately the parliament had lost 
some' of their men in the West, at Marlborough and 
the Devizes, and they brought in a miserable condi- 
tion, without hose or shoes^ or scarce cloaths, into 
Oxford as a triumph^ he was content to be a spectator 
of their calamities; but gave neither order for their re- 
lief, or commands for ease of their sufferings : nay, it 
was noted by some there present, he rejoiced in their 
sad affliction V Indeed, Sir Philip Warwick assures 
us, " that the king being informed of Mr. Hambden's 
being wounded, would have sent him over any chirur-^ 
geon of his, if any had been wanting: for (adds he, as 
the motive) he looked upon his interest, if he could 
gain his affection, as a powerful means of begetting a 
right understanding betwixt him and Ut two houses^.*'^ 
What Lord Clarendon therefore meant by ascribing to 
this monarch a tenderness and compassion of nature, 
which restrained him from ever doing a hard-hearted- 
thing^; what, I say, he meant by this, will not be 
easily known by those who consider this king's actions. 
'' He had not learned to sacrifice to the graoeHif 
Politeness and t^ivility, affability and good-nattif^, 
though not perhaps essentially necessary to form the 
character of an honest man or a good prince, yet are 
they undoubtedly very ornamental, and the want of 
them occasions many vexations. A prince should be 
easy of access^ kind in his expressions, insinuating in 
his behaviour; in short, hie words and 0|jiliiite$ should 
shew the well-bred, good-natured man. "" 1ft|iSiollling 
was at a farther distance from this than th^'ti^haviour 
of Charles. Burnet tells us, ^ he had a grave reserved 

* life and Beafh of K. Charles, p. 14w ^ Hemoin, p. 2Ah 

« VoU V. p. t56. 

«»■ ■•• ■.■i*V 


said by many writers, concerning the lio- 

deportmenty in which he forgot the civilities and the 
affability that the nation naturally loved^ and to which 
they had been long accustomed. Nor did he, in his 
outward deportment, take any pains to oblige any per- 
sons whatsoever : so far from that, he had such an un- 
gracious way of shewing favour, that the manner of 
bestowing it was almost as mortifying as the favour 
was obliging V 

In a letter to his queen, dated 4 May, 1645, he stiles 
Sir Thomas Fairfax (a man of as meek and humble 
carriage, says Whitlock, as ever I saw in great ^ em- 
idoyment) " the rebels new brutish general*^." — It was 
natural enough for him to stile the parliament at 
Westminster, with their adherents, rebels; (though it 
is very remarkable that he never would give the 
wretches, who perpetrated the Irish massacre, the same 
appellation, as we shall hereafter shew) but it was great 
incivility to give the lords and gentlemen who adhered 
to hi(n at Oxford, and who had ventured their lives and 
fortunes in his service, the opprobrious title of '^ our 
mungril parliament here ** ;" and to represent " some of 
as too wise, others too foolish, some too busy, 
rs too reserved, many fantastick*/*— On the 9th of 
March, 1641, both houses of parliament sent a declara- 
tion to the king, who was then at Newmarket, part of 
which being " read to him by the earl of Holland, his 
majesty interrupted him in the reading, and said, that's 
false ; which being afterwards touched upon again, his 
majesty tji|tb j^id, it is a lie. — And on the next day, 
wh|p hii£|i||je8ty delivered his answer, which was read 
by the earl of Holland to the rest of the committee [of 
parliament]; and that being done, his lordship endea- 

* History of his owb Times, p. 25. ^ Memorials, p. 304. 

^ King's Cabinet, p. 9. ' King's Cabinet Opened, p. 13. ' Id. p^ 8. 


^^^^^'IlliPb^^J' and good faith of this prince: 

voured to persuade his majesty to come near the parlia- 
ment: whereunto his majesty answered, I would you 
had given me cause; but, I am sure, this declaration is 
not the way to it, and in all Aristotle's Rhetorics there 
is no such argument of persuasion. The earl of Pem- 
broke thereupon telling him, that the parliament had 
humbly besought his majesty to come near them^ as 
aforesaid, his majesty replied, that he had learnt by 
their declaration, that words were not sufficient. His 
majesty being then again moved, by the said earl of 
Pembroke, to express what he would have, said, he 
would whip a boy in Westminster-school, that oould 
not tell that by his answer. And farther said^ they 
were much mistaken, if i^ey thought his an^W^'of 

■Mtt a denial. And being also asked by the sajd earl 
df Pembroke, whether the militia might not be grant- 
ed, as was desired by the parliament, for a time; his 
majesty swore by God, not for an hour: you have 
asked that of me in this, was never askt of any king, 
and widi which I will not trust my wife and chil- 

'''When the parliament sent commissioners to Ox- 
ford with propositions for peace, which were read by 
the earl of Denbigh, the king asked the committee if 
they had power to treat? They replying, that they 
had no commission to treat, l^ut to receive hiffilna;- 

^^j^Msf^s answer in writing, the kiiPg replied. Then a let- 
^ ftStoirtier might have done as much as you. To which 
*?JM jea^ifl of Denbigh said, I suppose yom- majesty looks 

r-^piiA lis as persons of ajtciwr condition than letter- 
carriers. The king said iagaih, I know your condition; 
but I say that your commission gives you. power to do no 
more than a letter-carrier :||^ht have done. Am'%Q 

,»:.; • Rmshwoniillg^ IV. p. 532. 

roll. II, o 

if we impartially examine fiScts, (by 

e came away from the king with a little kind of dis- 
satisfaction"." The same author goes ou afterwards, 
and tells ns, " tiiat the committee who carried the pro- 
positions of peace to Oxford, had the king's answer 
sealed up and sent to them. They, upon advice toge- 
ther, thought it not fit for them to receive an answer in 
that manner, not being acquainted with what it was, 
nor a copy of it (as. was nsual in the like cases) sent 
with it unto them; and upon this they desired to be 
„_exco3ed from receiving that answer 3D sealed, and 
lade an address to his majesty, that they might know 
wa3, and have a copy of it. To which 
8 majeutj replied. What ii that to you, who are but 
6 carry what I send, and ii^I will send the song of Ro- 
I Hood and Little John, you must carry it? To 
nrhich the commissioners only said, that the business 
lOut which they came, and were to return witli his 
(najesty's answer, was of somewhat more con.sequence 
Uian' that song. And other passages there were, which 
^■rfiewed the king lo be in no good humonr, and were 
indered at, in a business especially of this import- 
, and where the disobliging the cominissloQcrs 

ipuld be of no advantage to the king''." " A word," 

s Lilly, "dropped out of the king's mouth, lost him 
elove of the seamen: some being in conference with 
B majesty, acquainted him, that he was lost in the 
Section of the seamen i for they intended to petition 
^e honse. I wonder, quoth the king, how I have lost 

^e aflFection of those water-rats^" 1 will add a 

jassage or two from W^arwick, who was informed by 
"■ju-xon, who attended on his majesty just before his 
'*^B^^' " ^^'**^'" n*^'- tallij said the king to him, of 
■ffi^ rogues (for that was his term) in whose hands 1 

« U.p. 115. ' Lilly, p. 61. 




which alone his character can be ascer- 

am : they thirst after my blood, and they will have it, 
and God's will be done. I thank God, I heartily for- 
give them, and I will talk of them no more/ However, 
the next day, which was the day of his execution, 
when he had received the eucharist, he rose up from 
his knees, with a chearful and' steddy countenance: 
Now, says he, let the rogues come ; I have heartily 
forgiven them, and am prepared for all I am to under- 


Lord Clarendon, speaking of the conclasion of 

Charles's first expedition against the Scots, observes, 

'' that he had not dismissed his army with so obliging 

circumstances as was like to incline them to come 

willingly together again, if there were occasion to use 

-^^their service. The earl of Essex, who had merited 

very well throughodt the whole affkit, and had never 

ttlade a false step in action or counsel, was discharged 

*^ . hi the crowd, without ordinary ceremony: and an ac- 

cfident happening at the same time, or very soon after, 

by the death of the lord Aston, whereby the command 

of the forest of\Needwood fell into the king's disposal, 

which lay at the door of that earl's estate, and would 

infinitely have gratified him, was denied to him, and 

bestowed upon another**." 

What follows is contained in a letter written by Ro- 
bert lord Spencer, who died in the royal cause, to his 
fedy, just before the siege of Gloucester. " I never 
saw the king look better: he is very cheaiful, and, by 
the bawdy discourse, I thought I had bdCtt in the 
drawing-room V 

I think these passages abundantly sufficient to justify 
Che assertion in the text, that hiB m^(teg^ hei^' not 
learned to sacrifice to the graces; and qpseqtfefitly, 

* Memoirs, p. 34SL ^ Vol. I. p. 124. ^ Sldi«y*» Papen^ vol. 11. p. 668^ 

G fi 



taiued) we shall, perhaps, find good reason 
to doubt of his truth and sincerity " 

that be was wanting in what would have been not only 
oroamental, but useful. For the love and good-will qC 
the subjects are essentially necessary to the glory and^ 
bappiness of a prince: now these are hardly any ways 
so easily attained, as by a humane and courteous beha- 
viour, which it behoves all to cultivate, in proportion 
to the rank they bear in life. Men, for the most part, 
understand words; tbeir pride is flattered by the con- 
descension of their superiors, which seldom fails of at- 
taching them to the interest of those who know how 
to worit on it. Whereas a haughty behaviour, a re- 
served manner, an ungracious answer, will cieate aver- 
sion in the minds of the bystanders, as well as In those 
persons who ai'e immediately concerned, and render 
them cool at least to their interest, if not enemies to 
iheir persons. For those who think iheniselves above 
all, will be neglected in time by all; nor will they ever 
be regarded any farther th;m men find it for tbeir in- 
terest to submit to, or assist them. 

" If we examine facts, we shall find much reason to 
doubt of his truth and sincerity.] Truth is the bond 
of society, productive of many good consequencM, and 
at^all times admired and applauded by those who chuse 
not, on occasion, to adhere to it. Princes, above all 
men, should pay an inviolable regard to it, as highly 
glorious and salutary: but fraud, dissimulation, and 
deceit, should be avoided by them, because these sully 
their characters, and render them vile, odious, and ler- 
rible. If honour and virtue were to be banished the 
world, said Charles the Wise, they ought to find an 
asylqm wi^ pruices. And even Macbiavel owns, 
" that though it be not necessary that a prince should 
have ^1 the good qualities, (among which sincerity is 



nVFoT certain it is, he asserted wliat was 

reckoned bv Iiira) yet it is extremely requisite that be 
should appear to have them." Thia is speaking mucK 
in their praise. But he adds, " I will venture to 
allirm, that his having them, and putting them in prac- 
tice, wonld be to his prejudice; whereas the putting 
on the appearance of them, must be for his interest. 
Let him seem, and let him actually be, merciflll], true 
to his word, humane, religious, and sincere; but at the 
same time let him have so much command of himself, 
that, if occasion requires, he may be quite the re- 
verse'." And the prince, of whom we are now writing, 
being- advised, in a certain case, to detain a nobleman 
whom he h;id called to court, said, " He behoved to 
be a king of his word V Whether and how far he did 
as it behoved him to do, is now our business to enquire. 
— When the Spanish match was broken off by means 
of Buckingham, and he had determined to satiate his 
revenge, by causing war against that people to be 
made, it was thought fit that the whole affair concern- 
ing the said match and the Palatinate, and the beha- 
viour of the Spanish court to the prince, should be 
stated and enlarged upon, in a conference between the 
two houses, which his highness and the duke were de- 
sired to manage. At the conference, the prince made 
a short introduction to the business, and said sotne 
very kind things of the duke, and then referred the 
whole relation to him. Whereupon Buckingham 
_ made a long narration full of falsehoods, and for which, 
lord Clarendon observes, " he had not the least direc- 
tions from the king, and a great part whereof he knew 
to be untrue'," But yet, notwithstanding the false- 
hoods contained in Buckingham's narration, the prince. 

ft ■ Ml 

Maehiarei's Prince, c. 18. '' Gulhry'«Memoiis,p. 31. 

' ClarendoD, io1, I. p. 2S. 


false, with r^^and to die traQsactions in^ 

who was pFeraat atitysod auisted him in it, and certi- 
fied many particalacs thereof, attested the truth of it 
on the spot; '^ and op its being reported the same day 
to the house, his higl^le8B approved thereof there also :" 
as did his father soon after, though against his own be- 
lief, or rather knowledge*. — The share Charles had in 
this affiur, tends little to his honour. Mr. Hume, 
speaking of it, says, " This [Buckingham's] narrative, 
which, considering the importance of the occasion, and 
the solemnity of that assembly to which it was deliver- 
ed, deserves no better name than that of an infamous 
imposture, was yet vouched for truth by the prince of 
Wales, who was present; and the king himself lent it, 
indirectly, his authority, by telling the parliament, that 
it was by his order Buckingham laid the whole before 
them. The conduct of these princes it is difficult to 
excuse. 'Tis in vain to plead the youth and inezperi*- 
ence of Charles; unless his inexperience and youth, as 
is probable, really led him into an error, and made him 
swallow all the gross falsities of Buckingham. And^ 
though the king was here hurried from his own mea- 
sures by the furious impetuosity of others, nothing 
should have induced him to prostitute his character, 
and vouch the impostures of his favourite, of which he 
had so good reason to entertain a suspicion^.'' — And 
does Mr. Hume really think it probable that Charleis's 
youth and inexperience led him into an error, and 
made him swallow all the gross falsities of Bucking- 
ham? This, indeed, is vindicating his honesty at the 
expenoe of bis understanding; but at the same time is 
such a way of vindiqating it, as very few will apprpviS- 
BuckijDgham was not wise enough to over^-ieacli 
Charlesyhad he been disposed to do it: he could not 

* RnshwoHb, toI. 1. p. 119, 125, 126, 127. ^ Oamit^ Hittory of 

Great Britiun, vol. I. p. 103. 4to. Bdinb. l'(54« 


Spain ; was Avorse than his word in a gre-at 


JTTiposeon his father (a much weaker man) in this mat- 
:h less (Ml the pruice, who had been upon the 
spot with him in Spain, and au eye-witne«s of tlie 
things transai'led there. He was, iudeed, but in hi» 
three and twentieth year; but at tiie age of twenlj-two, 
or under, a man of tolerable understanding was Gur«]y 
capable of observing matters of fact, and relating them 
truly; and consequently Charles could not, through 
youth and inexperience, swallow tlie gross falsities of 
Bnckingham ; but must have been a partner in hb in- 
famous imposture. — Charles, on the death of his far 
ther, having mounted the throne, gave farther proofs 
of his want of sincerity, aad continued so to do 
through the course of his unfortunate reign. Wil- 
liams, lord-keeper of the great seal, haying some how 
or other offended Buckingham, it was determined be 
sIiDuld no longer abide in that bigli office, lliis the 
keeper had notice of by the lord Conway, aeta'etary of, 
stBJte, who, at the lord-keeper's desire, asked bit majesty 
his permission for his waiting on him. This r«]uest 
being granted, Williams was admitted into the pre- 
sence, and made his petitions. For the most part, 
they were granted, and he retired exceedingly well 
contented. He thought he had obtained much; but 
missed all he bad sought for, excepting four advow- 
sana to St. John's college in Cmnbridge, (two of whiuli 
he had booght with his own money, and two the laie 
king gave him for the good of that society) and could 
never receive a fanliing of hie pension of two thou- 
sand marics a year, whidi he liad bought for tliree 
thottsand pounds; nor was he called again to the conn- 
cil-table, as was promised him by bis majesty "." Tbia 
is Williams's own account; and as it never was cob- 

*■ Abiiilgment of WiUiainrt lift, p. 1**. 



variety of instances, and those of no smalt 

tradictedy as I know of^ to this day, it certainly shews 
that Charles was not a man of his word. — ^l^iit we have 
still stronger and more glaring proofs of his want of 
openness and sincerity. Mr. Humc^ speaking of the 
commons claiming the execution of the penal laws 
against catholics in the year 1626, observes, " that in 
this particular they had, no doubt, some reason to 
blame the king's conduct. He had promised to the 
last house of commons a redress of this religious 
grievance : but he was too apt, in imitation of his 
father, to consider these promises as temporary ex- 
pedients, which, after the dissolution of the parlia* 
meat, he was not any farther to regard V And yet, 
as we shall presently see, probity and honour are^ in 
the judgment of this writer, to be placed among his 
most shining qualities 1 

In the third year of his reign, the commons taking 
into consideration the grievances and hardships of the 
subject, and the illegal commitments by the privy 
council, as well as many other things, after many 
debates, came to several resolutions, which were in- 
serted in the Bill of Rights, and passed into a law. 
Charles was very loth to give his assent to it, and 
made use of a variety of artifices in order to quash it. 
The lords sent propositions to the commons, in which 
the prerogative was preserved, and power had an 
opportunity of oppression, imder pretence of reason 
of state. The lordi-keeper assured them, that his 
majesty had conmianded him to let them know^ that 
he held the statute of Magna Charta, and the other 
six statutes insisted on, for the subjects' liberty, to be 
all in foroe ; and «f sured them, tliat he would maintaiu 
all his subjects in the just freedom of their personsji 

• Uitoiyor Great BnUm, p. 156, 


importance ; and contradicted his speech by 

and safety of their estates ; that he would govern them 
according to the laws and statutes of this realm; and 
that they should find as much security in his majesty's 
royal word and promise, as in the strength of any law 
they could make; so that, hereafter, they should have 
no cause to. complain. This would not do: the king 
therefore sent them a message by Mr. secretary Cook, 
to know, whether the house would rest on his royal 
word, declared to them by the lord-keeper? which if 
.they do, be assures them it shall be royally performed. 
But the commons adhered firmly to their resolution- of 
having a public remedy, as ^here had been a public 
violation of the laws and the subjects' liberties, and so, 
by their speaker, they declared to the king; who then, 
in no very agreeable manner, by the keeper, told them, 
'1 he was content a bill was drawn for a confirmation of 
Magna Cbarta, and the other six statutes insisted on 
for the subjects liberties, if he shall chuse thiat as the 
•best way, but so as it may be without additions, para- 
phrases, or explanations." One would have imagined 
now the bill should have met with no more delays. 
But the commons were again pressed, by Mr. secretary, 
to rely on the royal word. The king himself writ a 
letter to the upper house, in which he declares, ** that, 
without the overthrow of sovereignty, he could not 
.suffer the power of commitment, without shewing^ 
cause, to be impeached ;" and the lords were for 
acjding a saving to the sovereign power, which was to 
remain intire. This produced a conference between 
Rehouses, who at length agreed; and the petition of 
Right, June 2, 1628, was read; and the king's answer 
was thus delivered unto it : " The king willeth, that 
right be done according to the laws and customs of the 
xeeim ; and that the statutes be put in due execution, 
that his subjects may have no cause to complain of any 



Lis actitms : whereby such an opinion was 

wrong oropiHres^ons, contrefy to their just rjght« and 
liberties, to the preservation whereof, he holds himself 
in conscience as well obliged, as of his prerogative." — 
This answer no way satisfied the commons, who were 
very sensible it would render of little use all that they 
had been doing. But the king sent them word, that 
he would not alter his answer : though after he waa 
petitioned by both houses, he anwered, Soit droit 
eomme il est desire; which, says Whitlock, satisfied 
the commons, and all good men*. We see here a 
deal of artifice, craft, dissimulation, and falsehood in 
this whole afiair : and nothing of openness and probity* 
However, the petition of right being passed into a 
law, one would have expected the king should have 
observed it ; yet nothing is more certain, than that he 
not only endeavoured to evade it, but acted directly 
contrary to it. He called in 1500 copies of the peti- 
tion, with his answer, which had been printed; and 
suffered none to be sold that had not additions. He 
levied the subsidies of tonnage ^ and poundage, though 
not granted him by parliament; and committed 
several very eminent men to prison, by warrant of his 
council, for their speeches in the house. These things 
yrere diametrically opposite to what he bad just passed 
into a law, and consequently could not proceed firom 
'^l^orance or inexperience, but fix>m a disregard to hi« 
word and most solemn promises. — Lord Clarendon, 
speaking of the bill for taking away the bishops' votes^ 
has dropped an hitat,^ which may shew how little 
Charles's most solemn acts were to be relied on. " M^jk 
fositfL est leXy qua tumuUuarie posita est, was one of 
those positions of Aristotle, which hath never since 

i:. . . 
* Whitlock, p. 10. Slid Rushworth, vol. I. p. 613. * f^.te 

lietitioa of right among the statutes. ' 



raised in the minds of his adversaries, of 

been ecmtradicted ; and was an advantage, that, being 
P . well managed, and stoutly insisted upea^ wovldi in 
^ ^ spite of ail their machinations, which ¥Fet% not yet 
firmly and solidly formed, have brought &em to a 
temper of being treated with. But I have some cause 
to believe, that even this argument, which was un- 
answerable for the rejecting that bill was applied for 
the confirming it ; and an opinion that the violence, 
and force, used in procuring it, rendered it absolutely 
. invalid and void, made the confirmation of it less 
considered, as not being of strength to make that act 
good, wiiidi was in itself null. And I doubt this 
logick had an influence upon other acts of no less 
moment*/' This passage did not escape the diligence 
of Rapin, who, after citing it, adds, " Let the reader 
judge after this, if we may boast of king Charles's sin- 
cerity, since even in passing acts of parliament, which 
Q is the most authentic and solemn promise a king of 
England can make, he gave his assent, merely in an 
opinion, that they were void in themselves, and con- 
fiequently he was not bound by this engagement^." — 
There is a notable passage in a letter of this king to his 
queen, dated Oxford, 2 Jan. I&t5. " As for my call- 
ing^ thbse at London a parliament, I shall refer thee to 
Digby for particular satisfacticuB^' this in general; if 
th^ had been but two (besides myself) of my opinion, 
I had not done it; and the argument that prevailed 
with me was, that the calling did no ways acknow- 
ledge them to be a parliament, upop which condition 
and constructionilrdid it, and no 'otJierways, and ac- 
cordingly it is registered in the council-books, with 
the council's unanimous approbation; but thou wilt 

• Clarendon, vol. IT. p. 490. * History of England, vol, 11. 

p. ytl. fol. Lund. 1^733. 






«•*■ iS 


his want of ireracity, as rendered them in* 

find -that it was ray misfortune/ not neglect^ that thou 

hast been no sooner advertised of it ^/' ,.. m 

In a letter from Algernon earl of Northumberland to 
Bobejtt earl of Leicester, dated London, Dec. 10, 1640, 
we find the following words : " The king is not very 
well satisfied with Northumberland, because he will 
not perjure himself for lord lieutenant [Strafford] ^J' 

What shall I say more i The king's character was 
6o well established for dissimulation, and want of faith, 
that we find the parliament, in the remonstrance of 
May 19, 1642, publicly declaring, that " although 
they never desired to encourage his majesty to such 
replies as might produce any contestatiop. .between 
him and his parliament, of which they never found 
better effect than loss of time, and hindrance of the ^ 

public affairs ; yet they had been far from telling him " 

of how little value his words would be with them, 
much less when they were accompanied with actions 
of love and justice. They said, he had more reason 
to find fault with those wicked counsellors, who had ^^^ 
so often bereaved him of the honour, and his people of 
the fruit of so many gracious speeches which he had 
made to them, such as those in the end of the last 
parliament; that, on the word of a king, and.ias ,he 
was a gentleman, he: .would redress the grievances of 
his people, as well out of parliament as in it. lley 
asked, if the searching the studies and chambers, yea 
the pockets of sbme, both of the nobility and 
commons, the very next day; the comnutment of Mr. 
Bellasis, Sir Jobndlotham, and Mr. Crew; the con- 
tinued o])pres^ns by. ship-money, coat and conduct- 
money; with the manifold imprisonments, and other 
vexations tfiereupon, and other ensuing violations of 

• Sing's Cabinet, p. ^. * Si4n^y»f StaU-pnptrs, rol. IJL p. ii5. 



CHARLES 1. 99* 

disposed to confide ivE^m, even iHien he 

the laws and liberties of the kingdoTn, (all which were 
the effects of evil counsel, and abundantly declared in 
their remonstrance of the state of ihe kingdom) were 
actions of love and justice, suitable to such words as 
those? As graciobs was hia majesty's speech in the' 
beginaiDg of this parliament: That he was lewlred to 
put himself freely and clearly upon the love and aSec- 
tion of his Boyish subjects. Tliey' asked, whether . 
Ilia cftuseless complaints and jealousies, the unjust 
impatations lo often cast upou his paHiament, his de- 
nt^ of iheir necessary defence by the ordinance of the 

' militia, his dangerous absenting himself Irom his great 
council, like to produce such a mischievous division in-, 
the kingdom, had not been more suitable to other men't 
evil counsels, than to his own words? Neither, ihey 
said, h&d his latter speeches been better used, and pre- 
served by those evil and wicked counsellors: Could 
any words be fuller of love and justice, than those in 
his answer to the message sent to the house of com- 
mons, in the 31st of Decemb. l64l. We do engage 
unto you solemnly, by the word of a king, that the 
security of all, and every one of you from violence, is," 
and ever shall be, as much our care, as the preservation 
of us and our children? And could any actions be , 
fuller of injustice and violence, than that of the attor- 

• ney-general, in falsly accusing the~f)uij|aianbcrs of par- 
liament, and the other proceedings thereupon, within 
three or four days after that message ? For the full view 
whereof, they desired tlie declaration made of those 

proceedings might be perused;" In another part of 

the same remonstrance we have the following words : 
" And whether therewerc cause uf his majesty's great 
indignation, for being reprouLhud to have intended 
force or threatning to tl^^lMniament, they desired them 
to consider who should read their dedaration, in which 




seemed to be most shlcere. This was of in- 

there was no word tending to any such reproach; and 
certaiaFy, they said, they had heen more tender of his 
majesty's honour in that pointy than he, whosoever he 
was, that did write that declaration; where, in his 
majesty's name, he did cafi God to witness, he nerer 
had anj>mch thought, orlcnew of any such resoltttion 
of bringing up the army; which truly, they said, would 
seem strange to tiime who should read the deposition 
of Mr. Goring, the informatioa of Mr. Piercy^. atsi 
divers other examinations of Mr. Wilmo^Mr. PdMly 
and others ; the other exantination of capt. Leg^ Sir 
Jacob Ashley, and Sir Jolift Conyers; and consii<fer 
the condition and nature of the petition, which was* 
tent unto Sir Jacob Ashley, under the approbation of 
C. R. which his majesty had now acknowledged to be 
his own hand; and being full of scandal to the '|ttrlia- 
ment, might have proved dangerous to the whole king- 
dom, if the army should have interposed betwixt the 
king and them, as was desired V— I produce not these 
passages to prove the truth of the facts referred to in 
this remoDstrance ; but merely to shew what opinion 
the authors of it, the lords and commons, had of his 
majesty's sincerity. Let me add, that the insincerity 
of Charles was one probable reason of the loss of hi» 
life. It appears, from a paper of Major Huntingdon's, 
that the king az{^ army were at one time on very good 
terms, insomucfar that his majesty *^ bid the major tell 
commiBsary«>general Ire^i^^with whom he had formerly 
treated upon the pro{>QSIth^.f(hat he would wholly throw 
himself upoQ., us [tbet^itt^}^ and trust us for a settle- 
ment of thtyti&ttdqK Ve had promised ; saying, if 
we provediijl^Mt men, we shodd without question 
make the kili^wEMn happy^.ji^ save much shedding of 

' CUurendoD) vo't, II. p. 547. 



Goite prejudice to him, aucl was one great , 

blood. This message, adds he, from hh majesty I de- 
livered to commissar^-gciieTal Ireton at Colcbrooke, 
who seemed to receive it witli joy, saying, that we 
should be the veriest knaves that ever lived, if in every 
thing we made not good wLiatever we bad promised, 
because the king, by not declaiiag against us, had 
given us great advantage against our adver^arius [the 
jjtesbyteiians] V But the inclinations of the chief 
officers of the army soon changed, and they determJiK'd, ' 
in the place of the crown to which they had promised 
to restore him, to bring him to the scafFold, which tliey 
put in execution. This sudden change is said to tiav« 
been owing to tlie interception of a letter by Cromwell 
and Ireton, wltiUt they were iu treaty with his majesty. 
The letter was from ttie king to the queen, in which he 
told her, " that he was courted by.bpth factions, tlie 
Scotch presbyterians, and the army; and that those 
which bade the fairest for him, should ^ave him ; hut 
yet he thought he should close with the Scotch sooner 
than with the other. Upon this, finding they were not 
like to have good terms from the king, tliey from llhit 
time vowed his destruction"." — After what has 
M largely said in this note, I will leave the rea« 
make his own remarks on the following passage in Mr. 
Home. " Some historians liave rashly questioned his 
[Charles's] good faith ; but, for this reproach, the most 
malignant scrutiny of his conduct, which, in every 
circnmstancc, is now thoroughly known, affords not 
any reasonable foundation. On the contrary, if we 
consider the extreme difficulties to which he was so 
frequently reduced, and compare the sincerity of his 
professions and declarations, we shall avow, that pro- 

'Tbarloe'aSute'ptipen.Tol. 1. p. 96. fol. Lotii]. 1742. 'Sea Hume'i 
HiElory uT Great Britain, p- W, m the note. 


cause of his ruin I in his early youth he wa» 

bity and honour ought justly to be placed among his 
most shining qualities. In every treaty, those conces- 
sions, which he thought in conscience he could not 
maintain, he never could, by any motive or persuasion, 
be induced to grant. And though some violations of 
the petition of Rights may be imputed to him, these 
are more to be ascribed to the lofty ideas of royal pre- 
rogative, which he had imbibed, than to any failure ia 
the integrity of his principles *." 

In the beginning of the note I have quoted Machiar- 
vel ; I will now add another passage from him. *' It 
has appeared by experience in our times," says he, '' that 
those princes who made light of their word, and artfully 
deceived mankind, have all along done great things, and 
have at length got the better of such as proceeded upon 
honourable principles." But however it was in his 
times, it was not so with regard to Charles. His mak- 
ing light of his word, and artfully deceiving his sub- 
jects, produced to him innumerable woes. His cha- 
racter, in this respect, being once established, his ad- 
versaries gave no heed to his words, protestations, 
0^9^ or actions, as judging that he was not to be 
bound by them. Hence a civil war arose, which ended 
in his destruction. Princes therefore should at all 
times act with honour, and scorn to be worse than their 
words ; for let them dissemble ever so dextrously, 
there are those who will find them out, and expose 
them, and then adieu to their reputation and influence. 
• — " The extrieme curiosity of the public is well known ; 
it is^A:beiiig. that sees every thing, hears every thing, 
and divulges whatsoever it has heard or seen. If its 
curiosity examines the conduct of particular men, 'tis 
Qnly to fill up idle hours ; but if it considers the cha- 

* Hume's History of Great Britain, p. 469. 


observed to be very obstinate " ; and stiff 

rRctw« of princes, 'tig with an eye lo its own interest. 
And, indeed, princes are more exposed than all other 
men to the conjectures, comments, and judgments of 
the world : they are a sort of stars, at which a whole 
people of astronomers are continually levelling their 
telescopes and cross-staves; courtiers, Who are near 
them, are daily taking their observations ; a single ges- 
ture, a single glaoceof the eye, discovers them; and the 
people who observe them at a greater distance, magnify 
them by conjectures. In short, as well may the sun 
hide his spots, as great princes their vices, and their 
genuine character, from the eyes of so many curious 
observers. If the mask of dissimulation should cover, 
for a time, the natural deformity of a prince, yet he 
could never keep his mask always on : he wotild some- 
times be obliged, was it only for a breathing, to throw 
it oft"; and one view of his naked featnres would be suf- 
ficient to content the curious. It will therefore be itt 
tain for dissimulation to dwell in the mouths of princes : 
craftiness in their discourses, and actions will have no 
effect: tojndge of men by their words and professions, 
notiM be the way to be always mistaken : we therefore 
compare their actions with one another, and then with 
their words ; and against this repeated examination, 
falsity and deceit will find no refuge. No man can 
well act any part but his own ; he must really have the 
ume diaracter which he would bear in the world; 
without tliis, the man who thinks to impose on tb« 
public, imposes upon none but himself." 

" In his early yoodi he was observed to be very ob- 
ftttnate, Bcc] Here are my proofs. — " His childhood," 
«ays Perinchief, " waa blemished with a supposed ob- 

* Anti-Mac hi*Tsl, p. 199. Sm. Lond. 1741, See also Gonkm'i Bit- 
counn on Tacitus, Toi. IV. 11.331. 12nia. I^d, 1753. 
VOL. n. 


he remarkably was during bis whole reign ; 

stinacy : for the wealcDeas of lus body inclining him to 
retiremeats, and the imperfection of his speech render- 
ing discourse tedious and unpleasant, he was suspected 

to be somewhat perverse '." Lilly tells us, " he was 

noted to be very wilful and obstinate by queen Anne 
his mother, and some others who were then about him : 
^s mother being then totd lie was very sick and like to 
, said, he would not then die, or at that time; but 
e to be the ruin of himself, and the occasion of the 
loss of his three kingdoms, by his too much wilfuluesa. 
— The old Scottish lady his nurse was used to affirm as 
much, and that he was of a very evil nature, even in 
his infancy; and the lady, who after took charge of 
him, cannot deny it, but that he was beyond measure 
wilful and unthankful''."— — Perinchief, after taking 
notice of his supposed obstinacy, adds, " But more 
age and strength fitting him for maalike exercises, and 
the public hopes inviting him from his privacies, he 
delivered the world from such fears. His tenacious 
humour he left with his retirements, none being more 
desirous of good council, nor any more obsequious 
when he found it; yea, too distrustful of his own judg- 
ment, which the issue of things proved always best when 
it was followed." The reader will judge of the truth of 
this by and by. — " I have heard my father," says 
Coke, " (though not a courtier, yet acquainted with 
many courtiers) say, that they would oft pray to God, 
that the prince might be in the right way where he 
get; for if he were in the wrong, he would prove the 
most wilful of any king that ever reigned'." — I will 
firoduce a few more proofs, to set this matter beyond 

' Life of K. CharlcE, p. a. ' Obiervations od the Life and Dtath at 

King Cbarle*, p. i. 'Coke's Detection, rol. L p. ail. Loni. Stb 

fcllARLES T. So 

tliougli most writers agree ttiat he was easily 
governed by his favourites, who frequently 

all doubt. In the year l627, it is well known, many 
geiltleiiiea were iinprlsoneJ for refusing the io:iti, on 
acconnt of its illegality; among these, many feared 
would be Sir Thomas Weiitworlh, afcerwards earl of 
Strafford. In order to bring him to a compliance with 
the kiog's measures, his brother-in-law, the lord Clif- 
ford, writes to him in these words : " Mydear brother, 
I cannot hope trt see you receive the least favoiir, that 
the great ones can abi-idge you of, if you still refuse; 
rteither dare any iiiofe the king in the behalf of any 
gentleman refuser; for his heart is so inflamed in this 
business, as he vows a perpetual remembranee, as well 
as present punishment. And though the duke [Buck- 
ingham] will be shortly gone, yet no man can expect 
to receive any ease by his absence, since the king takes - 
the punishment into his own direction'." 

In a letter to the queen, dated Oxford, Jan. 9, 44, 
after telling her that Uxbridge was appoioted for the 
place of treaty between him and the parliament, he 
adds, in a postscript, "The settling of religion, and , 
the militia, are the first to be treated on : and be con- 
fident, that I will neither quit episcopacy, nor that 
sword which God hath given into my hands ''." And 
we find in Laud's Diary, "that he being terrified, by 
reason of some speeches uttered, that there must be a 
parliament, some must be sacrificed, and he as like as 
any, he told it ; whereupon the king said. Let me de- 
sire you not to trouble yonr.=elf with any reports, till 
you see me forsake my other friends'," lu shorty 
Charles was very determined in all his affairs, and was 

* LettWB and Dispatch™ of Thomsa Earl of Straflbrd, vol. I. p. 3S. (bl. 
tani. 1739. ' King^ Caliiaet, p. 1, 'Laud's Ditrj,bf 

Whirton, ji. M, 




gave him counsel no way salutary to lu» 


Dol easily moved from bis resolutions "by any but hi^ 
favourites. Lord Clarendon observes, " that he !iad 
an excellent understanding, but was not confident 
enough of it; which made him often eliange his own 
opinion for a worse, and follow the advice of men Ihat 
did not judge so well as himself," Burnet tells us, 
" that he was out of measure set on following his bu-> 
mour, but unreasonably feeble to those whom he trust- 
ed, chieHy to the queen V And we find in fact, thai 
stiff as he was in the matterof the loan, he relinquished 
it by act of parliament, though he soon returned to the 
practice of it; " that he consented to confirm by act 
of parliament in England, presbyterian government, 
the directory for worship, and the assembly of divines 
iit Westminster for three years *." And that, notwith- 
standing his steadiness to his friends, be gave up Straf- 
ford to the block. After the civil war commenced, 
" many endeavours were nsed from time to time, to 
bring matters to an accoiumodatioa by way of treaty ; 
but still some one unlucky accident or other rendered 
them all abortive. At the treaty of Uxbridge, though 
the parliament's demands were high, and the king 
shewed a more than ordinary aversion to comply with 
them ; yet the ill posture of the king's affairs at that 
time, and the fatal consequences they feared would 
follow upon breaking off of the treaty, obliged a great 
many of the king's friends, and more particularly that 
noble person the earl of Southampton, who had gone 
post from Uxbridge to Oxford for that purpose, to 
press the king again and again, upon their knees, to 
yield to the necessity of the times ; and by giviug his 
assunt to some of the most material propositions that 

■ 'Bui 

ct, p. 71). ' ClarPBdoli,ToU V. p. 104. 



ttis understanding was far enough from 

being despicable ", liis enemies themselves 

were sent him, to settle a IdsLiog peace witli hla people. 
The king was al last prevailed witb to tollow their 
counsel; and the next inoniing was appointed for 
Bigning a warrant to his commissioners to that effect. 
And so sure were they of a happy end of all differences, 
that the king at supper complaining that his wine was 
not good, one told him merrily, he hoped his majesty ' 
would drink better before the week was over, at Guild- 
hall with the lord-mayor. But ao it was, that when 
they came early to wait upon him with the warrant, 
that had been agreed upon over-night, they found his 
majesty had changed his resolution, and was become 
inflexible in these points'." Bishop Buraet gives ua 
pretty near the same account, which he received, he 
says, from lord HolJie ". 

I shall conclude this note with the words of Mr. 
Hume. " There are two circumstauces in his charac- 
ter, seemingly incompatible, which attended him dur- 
ing the whole course of his reign, and were the chief 
cause of all his misfortunes : he was very steady, and 
even obstinate in his purpose; and he was easily 
governed, by reason of his facility, and of his defer- 
ence to men, much inferior to himself both in morals 
and nndersianding. His great ends he inflexibly 
maintained : but the means of attaining them, he rea^ 
dily received from his ministers and favourites, though 
not always fortunate in his choice'," 

'" His understanding was far enough from being 
despicable, 8tc.] Some of the following quotations 
prove the truth of what is contained in the foregoing 

■Wdwood, !>.«. 


vol, 1. p, 55, 

■ tlume'l Hi&torjr, 


being judges :• -Mid, -if we will believe 4ii» 

note, and will 8«N^ as a sttpplement to it. As they 
tend to i]lii«tratd the dlaitater of Chai^tes^ they cannot 
J>e omitted i and J[ d6ii|it:lipt the reader will be pleased 
yrith them. '''fiad'^k|i|dgm^nt beeq as sound, as bi^ 
conception WftB qidcl; and nimble," sajs Lilly, *' he 
had been a most accoiiipJished gentlem^q ; and though 
ID most dangerous results, and extraordinary serious 
{Consultations, and very material, either for state o^ 
commonwealth, he would of himself give the most 
$olid fidyice, and sound re^sgns, why such or such 
a thing sl^opld be so, or not bq ;^ yet was he most 
^asily withdraw]! from his own mo^t yrhplsome and 
3ound advice or resolutions ; and with a^ mu^h fapility 
/Irawn on, incline^, to embrace a far more vi^safe, and 
nothing so wholsome ^ counse]. He would argue logi? 
calJy, and frame his arguments artificially ; yet never 
filmost had the happiness Jo conclude or drive on a 
design in his own sense, but was ever baffled by meaner 
capacities *."-T-In thp Dedication to his Majesty of the 
first part of the History of Independency, Mr. Walker 
hints his opinioQ of the king's understanding, and his 
liableness to be drawn aside bv two sorts of men,, to 
enlarge the prerogative to his own hurt. Let us hear 
him in his own words. " God hath cursed him that 
jremoyeth the bound-marks pf his neighbour : this is a 
comprehensive curse : kings, enlarging their preroga- 
tives beyond their limjt^, are not excepted from it. 
You may be pleased tp talce heed therefore of two sorts 
pf men, most likely to mislead you in this point; am- 
l)itious lawyers, who teach the law to speak, not what 
the legislators meant, but what you shall seem to de- 
cile. — The second sort is parasitical divines : these eari 

* Lilly's Obseryations, p 11« 


friends and admirers, he was adorned with 

wigs are always hovering in princes courts, hanging io 
their ears. They tske upon them to make princes 
beiiolding to their violent wresting of the text, to bfr- 
stow upon them whatever prerogative the kings of 
Juda and Israel used or usurped ; as if the judicials of 
Moses wer« appointed by God for all commonwealths, 
aU kings; as a good bishoprick orliving is lit for every 
priest that can catch it. These men having their best 
hopes of prefei-ment from princes, make divinity to be 
but orgaaon politiium, an iastrument of government, 
and harden the hearts of princes, Pharaoh-like; kings 
delight to be tickled by such venerable warrantable 
flattery. Sir, you liave more means to prefer them 
than other men, therefore tliey apply themselves 
more to you than other men do. Tu facU hunc domi- 
niim, te facit iUe Deurn. The king makes the poor 
priest a lord, and rather than he will be behind witU. 
the king in eourtcsie, he will fialter him above the 
condition of a mortal, and make him a god royal. Sir, 
permit me to give you this aaiidoteagainst this poison; 
Jet an act be passed, that all such divines as either by 
preaching, writing, or discoursing, shall advance your 
prerogative and power above the known laws and liber- 
ties of the land, forfeit all his ecclesiastical prefermenU 
ipso farlo, and be incapable ever after, and for ever 
banished your court. But above all, learn to trust in 
your judgment. Plus aliis de le quam tu tibi credere 
noli: God hath enabled you to remember things past, to 
observe things present, and, by comparing them together, 
to conjecture things to come; which are the three parts 
of wisdom thatwill much honour and advantage you'." 
Pity but princes had more frequently such honest 
advice given them! — The next authority shall be that 

•Walker's History of Iiiclcpciijcncy.pntt i.printeil IGiti. 4to. 




very many amiable qualities, and was master 

©f Mr. Whitiock, which I will transcribe at large. "In 
thig treaty, [jit Oxford, 164j] the king oiantt'csted his 
greal parts and abilities, sireugth of reason, and quick- 
pes3 of Hppi'eheiision, with much patieoce in hearing 
what was objected against him; wherein he allowed all 
freedom, and would hinisejf sum up the arguments, 
and give a most clear judgment upon them. His un- 
happines£ way that he bad a hetter opinion of others' 
judgments than of his own, though they were weaker 
than his own; and of this we had experience to our 
great trouble. We were often waiting on the king, 
and debating some points of the treaty with him, until 
midnight, before we could come to a conclusion. Up- 
on one of the most material points we pressed his ma- 
jesty with our reasons, and best arguments we could 
use, to grant what we desired. The king said he waa 
^llj satisfied, and promised to give us his answer in 
writing, according to our deairej but, because it was 
then past midnight, and too laie to put it into writing, 
he would have it drawn up the next morning (when he 
commanded us to wait on him again), and then he 
would give us his answer in writing, as it was now 
j^reed upon. We went to our lodgings full of joyful 
topes to receive this aaswer the next morning, and 
which being given, would have much conduced to a 
happy issue, and success of this treaty, and we had the 
king's word for it, and we waited on bim the ne.xt 
morning at the hour appointed. But instead of that 
answer, which we expected, and were promised, the 
lung gave us an answer quite contrary to what was 
concluded the night before, and very much tending to 
the breach of the ta-eaty. We did humbly expostulate 
this with his msjesty, and pressed him upon his royal 
word, and the ill consequences which we feared would 
follow upon Uiis his new paper. But the king told ui. 


of accomplishments '' which are esteemed 
in the world, and looked on as ornamental. 

he had altered liis mind, and that this paper which he 
now gave us was his answer, which he was now roaolv- 
ed to mal<e upon our last debate. Aad we could ob- 
tain no oilier from him, which occasioned much troubla 
and sadness to us. Some of his own friends of whom 
we enquired touching this passage, informed us, that 
after we were gone from the king, and that his council 
were also gone away, some of his bedchamber (and 
they went higher) hearing from him what answer he 
hiid promised us, and doubting it would tend to such 
an issue of the treaty as ihey did not wish, they being 

rather fur the continuance of the war, never left 


ing and persuading of the king, till they prevailed with 
hiin to change his former resolutions, and togive order 
for his answer to be drawn, as it was delivered to us*." 
This narrative of Whitlock's, whose authority is beyond 
all exception, (though engaged on the side of the par- 
liament, and a commissioner in this and other treaties 
with the king for it) proves not only what I principally 
intended it for, the good understanding of Charles, but 
also his liableness to be drawn aside from his resolu^ 
lions, by those in whom he confided, as well as hia dis- g 
regard to his royal word, and therefore may be looked 
on as further proof of his want of sincerity, of whicti ^ 
we have spoken pretty largely in note 20. 

" If we believe his friends, he was adorned with 
many amiable qualities, 8cc.] " He was the worthiest 
gentleman, the best master, the best friend, the best 
husband, the best father, and the best christian, that 
the age in which he lived produced*." And according 
to Periuehief, he " was religious, just, and clemenlj 
possessed of fortitude, patience, and humility; a lover of 

• Whitldck, p. G6. 

* ClarendOD, toI. V. p. Sis. 


Every one knows that there goes under 
his name a very large folio volume inti- 

his subjects, obliging in his conversation, true to his 
word, chaste, temperate, and frugal." A fine picture! 
pity it was not true! But princes, even when dead, 
have incense offered before their shrines, and their 
praises high sounded, if they have been the benefac- 
tors of those who attempt their characters ! Such is the 
force of interest ! It blinds the understanding, warps 
the affections, and causes even men of sense and virtue 
to say things, perhaps honestly, which will not bear 
the scrutiny, 

'Us from high life high characters are drawn ; 

A nint in crape is twice a saint in lawn ; 

A judge b just, a chanc'lor jnster still ; 

A gowiunan leam*d ; a bishop what you will : 

Wise if a minister; but if a king. 

More wise, moi-e learn'd, more just, more ev'ry thing. 


I will noty therefore, enter into an examination of 
these superlative praises bestowed on Charles : the 
reader by what he has seen, and will further see, will 
be enabled fully to judge of them. — As to his accom- 
plishments, I will give them from writers who may be 
supposed to have known them, and who therefore are 
the 6ttest to be attended to. " He understood Greek, 
liatin, French, Spanish, and Italian authors in their 
original languages, which three last he spake perfectly, 
no man being better read in histories of all sorts, being 
also able to discourse in most arts and sciences*."— 
^^ With any artist or good mechanic, traveller, or scho- 
lar, he would discourse freely; and as he was com* 
monly improved by them, so he often gave light to them 
in their own art or knowledge. For there were few geuT 
tlem^n in the world, that knew more of useful or neces^ 

' Dugdale's Short View of the Troubles in England, fol. p. 383. Oxot^ 

tuled BA2IAIKA. The works of kins Charles 

lary learning than this prince : and yet his proportion 
of books was but small, having, like Francis I. of 
France, learnt more by the ear than by study. — ^His 
exercises were manly ; for he rid the great horse very 
well; and on the little saddle he was not only adroit, 
but a laborious hunter or fieldman : and ihcy were 
wont to say of him, that he failed not to do any of his 
exercises artificially, butnotvery gracefully; like some 
well-proportioned faces, which yet want a pleasant air 
of countenance'."''— " He waa well skilled in things of 
Witiquily, could judge of medals whether they had 
the number of years they pretended unto. His libra- 
ries and cabinets were full of those things on which 
length of time put the value of rarities. In painting 
he had so excellent a fancy, that lie would supply the 
def^jt of art in the workman, and suddenly draw those 
lines, give those airs and lights, which experience and 
practice had not taught the painter. He could judge 
of fortifications, and censure whciher the cannon were 
mounted to execution or no. He had an excellent 
skill in guns, knew ail thai belonged to their making. 
Tbeexactest arts of building ships (or the most neces- 
sary uaes of strength or good sailing, together with all 
their furniture, were not unknown to him. He under- 
stood and was pleased with the making of clocks and 
watches. He comprehended the art of printing. 
There was not any one gentleman of all the three king- 
doms, that could compare with him in an universality 
of know ledge. He encouraged all the parts of learning, 
and he delighted to t^dk with all kinds of artists, and 

with so great a facili 

did n 

apprehend the mysteries of 
their professions, that he did sometimes say, lie thought 
he could get his living, if necessitated, by any trade be 

• IVar»ick, p. OS, SC. 


the Martyr, though very little cbntained 

knew of, but making of hangings: alibough of these 
he understood much, and was greatly delighted in 
tlicm ; for he brought some of the most curious woik- 
inen from foreign parts, to malte them here in Eng- 
land'." 1 will add what Dr. Welwood has said on 

this head, that the reader may want nothing to form 
his Judgment on the accomplishments of Charles. 
" lie had a good taste for learning, and a more ihan 
ordinary skill in the liberal arts, especially painting, 
sculpture, architecture, and medals ; and being a ge- 
nerous benefactor to the most celebmted masters in 
those arts, he acquired the noblest collection of any 
prince in his time, and more than all the kings of Eng- 
land had done before him. — He spoke several languages 
very well, and with singular good grace; though now 
and then, when he waa warm in discourse, he \ 


1 will add another accomplishment of Charles's, 
■which is much to his honour; I mean, his skill and 
knowledge in the laws of the land over which he bare 

' Perinchiuf, p. 70. » WelwootI, p. 49, il, 



tand then, when he waa warm in discourse, he waa in- | 

clinabie to stammer. He writ a tolerable hand for a 'b 

king; but his sense was strong, and his stile laconick, I 

and yet he seldom wrote in any language but English. J 
Some of his manifestoes, declarations, and other pub- 
lic papers he drew himself, and most of them he cor- 
rected. In comparing those of the king with the par- 
liament's, one would be easily inclined to prefer, for 

the most part, the king's for the strength of reasoning ' 

and the force of expression. I have seen several pieces i 

of his own hand, and therefore may the better affirm, ] 

that, both for matter and forih, they surpass those of 1 

his ablest ministers, and come nothing short of Straf- i 

ford or Falkland, the two most celebrated pens of that , 





therein, came from his pen. The writing* 
attributed to him, with any shew of justice, 

rule. — " I do not know, says he on his trial, the forms 
of law ; I do know law and reason, though I am no 
lawyer professed ; but I know as much law as any gen- 
tleman in England'." — -I will conclude my citationi 
with Lilly, though he cannot be placed among the 
friends and admirers of this prince. " To speak truly 
of him, he had many singular parts in nalure; he was 
ia excellent horseman, would shoot well at a mark, 
bad singular Kkill in limning and pictures, a good ma- 
thematician, not unskilful in musick, well read in divi- 
nity, excellently in hiBlory,and no less in the laws and 
statutes of this nation ; he had a quick and sharp con- 
ception, would write his mind singularly well, and in 
good language and stile, only beloved long pai'entheses. 
He would apprehend a matter in difference between 
party and party with great readiness, and methodize a 
long matter, or contract it in lew lines ; insomuch as I 
have heard Sir Robert Hotborne oft say, he had a 
quicker conception, and would sooner understand a 
case in law, or with more sharpness drive a matter un- 
to a head, than any of his privy-couneit ; insomuch 
that when the king was not at council-table, Sir Robert 
never cared to be there V i think after all that has 
been here produced, we cannot hut allow to Charles 
m^ch personal merit. Had his integrity and upright- 
ness, and regard to the laws of his country, by whose 
authority he was constituted supreme governor, been 
equal to many other accomplishments and virtues 
wherewith he was adorned, hewould have possessed 
a very considerable character : hut nohappiiy for him- 
self, Unhappily for the nation, it was not so! By which 
means it came to pass that his abUities were little ad- 
•|tingCli«rle«'«Worki,p. TS5. • Lilly, p. ^ 


I ** will mention with all impartiality, an^-^iTl 

give the opinions of several writers conceraj " " 

mired, his capacity was unserviceable or hurtFul, and 
his people taught by dear experience to know, that it 
was possible for a prince with many virtues to be 
guilty of great acts of oppression and inj ustice. 

** The writings attribuied to him with any shew of 
justice, I will mention with all impartiality.] The 
folio volume that goes under the title of King Charles's 
Works has had two impressions, the one in 166O, the 
other in 1687- It contains the life of Charles t. Papers 
concerning chnrch-governmcnt. Prayers used by lua 
majesty. Messages for peace. Declarations. Letters. 
Speeches. The history othis trial and death. This is 
the first part. The second is composed ofhis majesty's 
declarations concerning liis proceedings in his four 
first parliaments. Declarations and papers concerning 
the treaty of peace at Oxford. Declarations and paper* 
concerning the differences betwixt his majesty and his 
fifth parliament. A declaration concerning the cessa- 
tion in Ireland: also declarations and passages of the 
parliament at Oxford, Papers and messages concern- 
ing the treaty of peace at Uxbridge. Messages, pro- 
positions, and treaties for peace: with divers resolu- 
tions and declarations thereupon. An appendix con- 
taining the papers which passed betwixt his majesty 
and the divines which attended the commissioners of 
the two houses at the treaty of Newport, concerning 
church-government. EIKilN BASIAIKH. The por- 

* traiture ofhis sacred majesty in his solitudes and suf- 

In a passage quoted in the preceding note. Dr. Wel- 

I wood affirms, that some of the manifestoes, declara- 
tions, and public papers, Charles drew himself; and if 
10, they aie lightly placed i)i his works : but it is much 


ing them. The letters contained in tiiis vo- 

more probable, according to Warwick's account', that 
he only corrected them ; and therefore they ought not 
to have been attributed to htm. What then may we 
certainly affirm to be his inajesij''s works in this col- 
lection! — If we set aside the Icon Basilike, of which I 
shall speak more at large soon, we shall be forced to 
acknowledge they are very inconsiderable. For ihey 
consist only of his letters to several persons, passages 
of which I have frequently quoted ; papers concerninf; 
cburch-goveruiueni, and a few prayers. For bis 
speeches, I reckoned them as the speeches of his mi- 
nisters, though they doubtless w^re conformable lo his ' 
own sentiments. The collection of letters were taken 
at Naseby, June 14, lfi45, " when his majesty waa 
compelled to quit the field, and to leave Fairfax mastei* 
of all his foot, cannon, and baggage, amongst which 
was his own cabinet, where his most secret papers 
were, and tetters between the tjueen and him ; of which 
they shortly after made that barbarous use as waa 
agreeable to their natures, and published them ia^ 
print; that is, so much of them as they thought would- 
asperse either of their majesties, and improve the pre- 
judices they had raised against them, and concealed i 
other parts, which would have vindicated them froni'l 
many particulars wiili which they had aspersed' 
them''." It is very surprising lord Clarendon would 
talk after this manner. Charles himself complains of 
no barbarity In his letter to secretary Mcholas, which 
I have elsewhere quoted: he does not pretend to say', 
that they had published them partially, or that ihey 
cojicealed other parts which would have vindicated, 
him and his queen from many particulars with which 
they had aspersed them: yea, he was so far froi 

• Sm note n. ' CUrenaon, vol, IV. p. 65S, 


lume, to the several persons to whom they 

thinking the publication of tliem an aspersion, " that 
as a. good protcstant, or an boncet man, he would not 
blush for any of those papers'." — But his lordship 
loved to asperse his enemies, and therefore would 
Bometiinos invent, in order to blacken! What further 
proves the charge of concealing those parts which 
woald have vindicated their majesties, to be false, is, 
that those parts were never produced to the world, 
when his letters were reprinted among hia works afier 
the restoration, and therefore may well be supposed 
never to have existed. — Ludlow, speaking of these let- 
ters, gives a very just account of some of their con- 
tents; but adds, " many more letters there were relat- 
ing to the public, which were printed with observa- 
tions, by order of the parliament; and others of no lesi 
consequence suppressed, as 1 have been crfdibly in- 
formed by some of those that were intrusted with 
tbena, who, since the Icing's return, have been rewaided 
for it''," This does not appear to me very prob.nble. 
— 'Let us now hear Mr. Hume. "Among the other 
spoils, was seized the king's cabinet, with the copies 
of his letters to the queen, which the parliament after- 
wards ordered to be published. They chose, no doubt, 
such of them as they thought would reflect most dis- 
honour upon him: yet upon the whole, the letters are 
wrote with great delicacy and tenderness, and give a 
Tery advantageous idea both of the king's genius and 
morals. A mighty fondness, and attachment, it is true, 
he expresses to his consort, and often professes that he 
never would embrace measures disagreeable to her. 
But such declarations of civility and confidence are not 
always to be taken in a literal sense : and so legitimate 

• King Charki'i Work», p. I5i 
SKiUeriand, I69B. Brn. 

' Ludlow's Meoioirs, voL I. p. 13& 

CHARLES r. 113 

are addressed ; the quEcre concerning Eas- 

an affection, avowed by the laws of God and man, may, 
perhaps, be excusable towards a woman of beauty aud 
spirit, even lliough she was a papist. The Athenians 
having intercepted a letter wrote by their enemy, Philip 
of Macedon, to his wife Olympia, so fai" from being 
moved by curiosity of prying into the secrets of that 
alliance, immediately sent the letter to the queen un- 
opened. Philip was not their sovereign, nor were 
they inBamed with that violent animosity against him, 
which attends all civil commotions'." The charge of 
lord Clarendon against the editors of these letters is 
here passed over in silence: what was thought by 
friends and foes to reflect highly on Charles, is now 
said to give a very advantageous idea both of the 
king's genius and morals, and an inexcusable attach- 
ment to the councils, and submission to the rule, of a 
violent unskilful woman, is glossed over with the title 
of a legitimate affection towards a woman of beauty 
and spirit! Surely Mr. Hmtie did not consider that 
these letters were in every one's hands ! — Milton, I be- 
lieve-, in the jiKlgmeni of the unprejudiced, will be 
thought to talk not unreasonably on the publication of 
these letters. " The king's letters, taken at the battle 
nf Naseby, being of the greatest importance to let the 
people see what faith there was in all his promises and 
solemn protestations, were transmitted to public view 
by special order of the parliament. They discovered 
bw good alTection to the papists and Irish rebels, the 
• suict intelligence he held, the pernicious and disho- 
DOiurable peace he made with them, not solicited, but 
rather soliciting, which, by all invocations that were 
holy, lie had in public abjured. They revealed his, en- 
deavonrs to bring in foreign forces, Irish, French, 

' Hume's flutory, p. WJ. 


, of which I have before spoken, as well 

Dutch, Lorraiiiers, and our o]d invndcrs the Danes, 
<tapon us; besides his subtilties and mysterious arts in 
Hrealing, To sum up all, tbej-shesved him governed 
rliy a woman. All which, though suspected vehemently 
before, and from good grounds believed, yet by him 
and his adherents pereuoptorily denied, were by the 
Caning of that cabinet visible to all men, under his 
own hand. The parliament therefore, to clear them- 
selves of aspersing him without cause, and that the 
people might no longer be abused and cajoled, as they 
«ali it, by falsities and court-impudence, in matters of 
<fO high concernment, to let them know on what terms 
idieir duty stood, and the kingdom's peace, conceived 
it most expedient and necessary that those lettei-i 
should be made publicb*." These letters left deep 
impressions on the minds of men in that age, as we 
may learn from the following passage of Mr. Sym- 
sians, in the address to the reader, prefixed to his 
large answer to them, — " I was solicited by some 
friends from the farthest part of the kingdom to put it 
[his answer] to the press, now I was in a place where 
the same might be done ; who also informed me, that 
their apprehensions) vulgar hearts wanted satisfac- 
tn nothing concerning the king's integrity, but 
'bnly in the matter of those letters, which did still scni- 
plemany of them"." And the editor of Ludlow's me- 
moirs was BO sensible of their importance, in order to 
justify the transactions of the opponents of Charles, 
that he reprinted them, with some other letters, at the 
end of that work ; and they continue to make a part of 
the last edition of those memoirs, printed in folio at 
London, and the Scotch edition in three volumes in 


■ Millon's Prose Works, *ol. I. p- 465. 
Cbarlc9, 4to. \U». 

' Vindication of Kiag 


CHARLES I. 11 j 

as the papers concerning church-govem- 

tw«lves; and are likewise iBsertcd in the seventh vo- 
lume of the Harleran Miscellany. 

I had almost forgot to inform the reader, that some 
of the most important instructions contained in the 
genuine edition of the King's Cabinet Opened, pub- 
lished by order of the parliament, are omitted in the 
collection of his majesty's works, printed after the re- 
storation, as will be seen in the note 26. 

As for the papers concerning church-govemment, 
they are said to be very well drawn, and procured the 
king no small reputation ; and, if we may believe some 
writers, those against Mr. Henderson were ao very effi- 
cacious as to occasion liis death. — " At the king's tirst 
coming to Newcastle," says bishop Kennel, " Mr. Hen- 
derson, a Scotch presbyter, came as an agent from the 
Kirk, and much importuned his majesty to pass the 
propositions, His majesty affirmed to him, that he 
cotild not in conscience consent to several things 
therein contained; especially as to the change of 
chorch-govemment from the primitive order of epis- 
copacy; and condescended to liave several conferences 
with him, and to let several papers pass between them 
upon this subject; which being faithfnlly printed, do 
demonstrate the king's great abilities, and his incom- 
parable knowledge in these controversies; being at a 
time when he had few or no books, and could not have 
the assistance of any chaplain. Mr. Henderson re- 
torned from Newcastle to Edinburgh, with a serious 
conviction of his majesty's integrity and learning, and 
died about the end of August, much lamented by 
those of his party, who themselves suspected that his 
death was owing to his dissatisfaction in his late trial 
of skill with his majesty." The lord Clarendon ex- 
presses it thus : " The king was so much loo hard for 
Mr. Henderson in the argumentation, that the eld mtu 
I 3 




ment, we may safely enough attribute to his 

himself was so far cotivinced and converted, that he 
had a very deep seJise of the mischief he had himself 
been the author of, or too much contributed to, and 
lamented it to his nearest friends and confidents, and 
died of grief and heart-broken wtthi» a very short time 
after he departed from his majesty'," I will not de- 
tract any thing from Uie merit of Charles's papers at 
Kewcastle; but the bishop and lord Clarendon were 
certainly a httle too hasty, when they attributed such 
effects to them. Disputants, veteran ones, as Hendei'- 
son was, have generally too good a conceit of their 
own abi)ities, to think themBelves overcome; and 
though the awe of majesty may silence, itseldom per- 
■suades them. To attributethe death of this divine lo 
the ill success of his dispute with the king, is just as 
wise as it was to make him the author of the dcclara- 
lion coTicerning the " abilities and virtues of the sajne 
monarch, particnlarly his devotion, maga^iBiity, cha- 
rity, sobriety, chastity, patience, humUity";" which 
the general assembly of the kirk of Scotlantl, held al 
Edinburgh, Aug. 7, 1648, declare to be a forgeijy, false- 
hood, and lying^— -Burnet's account of these papers u^. 
greatly to the honour of Charles, though he was too ■ 
wise to intermix any thing of the m^irvellotis in his 
story. — " During the month of June, 10*6, papen 
passed to and again betwixt the kii)g and Henderson; 
of which, they being so often published, 1 shall say 
no more, but that from thase it appears, had bis ma- 
jesty's arms been as strong as his reason was, he Imd 
been every way unconquerable, since none have the 
disingoiuity to deny the great advantages his majesty 

.- • Cbnjdele HWory of Enstand, »rf. IIL p. 132. fol. Loud. 1706. 
t,W)l.'IU.p.J74. ' See Truth brought to Ught.wUia 

jSrou ForgDries g[ Dti Holliiigwortli, Loodon, 16?3, 4to. 


majesty ; for friends and foes unanimously 

had in all these writings. Aai this wa3 when the' 
help of his chaplains could not be suspected, ihey be- 
, ing BQ far from him. And it is, indeed, strange tff see 
a prince not only able to hold np with, but so fitrto" 
out-run BO great a tlieologue, in a controversy which 
had exercised his thoughts and studies for so many" 
years. And that the king drew with his own hand all 
his papers, without the help of any, isaven-ed by the 
person who alone was privy to the interchanging of 
them, that worthy and accomplished gentleman Sir 
Robert Murray, who at that time was known to his 
majesty; — him therefore did his majesty employ in 
riiat exchange of papers, being all Written with his own' 
hand, and in' much less time than Mr. Henderson did 
his. They were given by his ^majesty to Sir Robert 
Murray to transcribe: the copies, under Sir Robert 
Murr&y's hand, were by him delivered to Mr, Hender- 
son ; and Mr. Henderson's hand not being so tegibte 
as his, he, by the king's appointment, transcribed 
them for his majesty, and by his majesty's permission 
kept Mr. Henderson's papers, and the copies of the 
king's, as was signified to the writer by himself, a 
few days before his much lamented death'." Sir 
Philip Warwick gives his judgment of these papers 
very plainly. " Whilst the king resided at Newcastle, 

SBSsed that controversy between him and Henderson 
Bbiit the order of episcopacy, and what obligation tns 
corona I ion-oaih laid upon him; which papers being' 
prinieJ; shew his great ability and linowledge, when 
he wfeS destitute of all aidsV Thus speak these* 
writers concerning bis majesty's Controversy with 
Jiendd^on. Btit whaleverthe real merit of his papers' 

P Bunjet's Aleinoira of t e Di 

nilloH, p. 877, foL LonJ. 1S77, 



agree that he was the author of them.^ 

be, it is remarkable they have been little read, and are 
seldom or ever quoted on the subject of episcopacy. I 
have turtied over Stillingtieet's Irenicum, and his Un- 
reasonableness of Separation, in which church-govern- 
ment is at large discussed; I have looked into 
Hoadlcy's Defence of Episcopal Ordination, and many 
other volumes; but can find him seldom or ev^r 
named. So that, it is possible, these learned church- 
men had not so great an opinion of the arguments 
made use of by Charles in these papers, as the his- 
torians I have quoted. 

Charles is celebrated by his panegyrists for his devo- 
tion, as we have already seen; and to convince the 
world of the truth and reality of it, the editor of bis 
works has given us a collection of " Prayers used by 
his majesty in the time of his troubles and restraint'." 
But tliis title does not s-sil several of them. The first 
being " a prayer used by his majesty, at his entrance 
in state into the cathedral church of Excester, after the 
defeat of the earl of Essex in Cornwall." The secood 
is styled " a prayer drawn by his majesty's special di- 
lection and dictates, for a blessing on the treaty at 
Uxbridge." The third is "(i prayer drawn by his raa* 
jealy's special directions, for a blessing on the treaty at 
Newport in the Isle of Wight." A fourth is " a prayer 
for the pardon of sin," The fifth is "aprayerand con- 
fession in and for the times of affliction." In this there 
Bie these very remarkable expressions: " Of all men 
living, I have most need, most reason so to do, [to 
confess his sins] no man living having been so much 
obliged by thee; that degree of knowledge which thou 
bast given me, adding likewise to the. guilt of mj- 
transgressions. For was it through ignorance that I 

• King Chirlex'i WoiLi, p. 93. 


CHARLES I. 1 19 

The prayers may be his, though his friends 

suffered innocent blood to be shed, by a false pretend- 
ed way of justice f or that I permitted a wrong way 
of thy worship to be set up in Scotland, and injured 
the bishops in England f O no; but with shame and 
grief 1 confess, that I therein followed the persuasion( 
of worldly wisdom, forsaking the dictates of a well- , 
informed conscience'." — But to go on: the sixth 
prayer is styled " a prayer in time of captivity ;" and 
the seventh " a prayer in time of imminent danger."— 
The " prayer in time of captivity," is too remarkable 
to be slightly passed over. It was printed at the end 
of some editions of Icon Basilike, among other prayers 
of Charles's, and by the quick-sighted Milton (who 
was well versed in romances) was found to be taken 
from the prayer of Pamela, in Sir Fhilip Sidney'* 
Arcadia. Hear his words. " In praying therefor^ 
and in the outward work of devotion, this king we sea 
bad not at all exceeded the worst of kings before him. 
But lierein the worst of kings, professing Chriatianism, 
have by far exceeded him. They, for aught we know, 
have still prayed their own, or at least borrowed from 
fit authors. But this king not content with that whichj , 
although in a thing holy, is no holy theft, to attributa ' 
to his own making other men's whole prayers, hath 
as it were unhallowed and unchiistened tlie very duty 
of prayer itself, by borrowing to a Chfisliau use 
prayers offered to a heathen god. Who would have 
imagined so little fear in him of the true all-seeing 
Deity ; so little reverence of the Holy Ghost, whose • 
office is to dictate and present our Christian prayers | 1 
so little care of truth in his last words, or honour to ] 
himself or to his friends, or sense of his afBictions, 
of that sad hour which was upon him, as, immediately 

• Kins CliailM's Works, p. 94. 




would, many of them, have been glacl' 

before his death, to pop into the hand of that gravti 
bishup who attended him, as a special relique of his 
saintly exercises, a prayer, stolen word for word from 
the mouth of a heathen woman, praying to a heathen 
godj and that in no serious book, but in the vnia 
amatorious poem of Sir Phihp Sidney's Arcadia; a 
"book in thai kind full of worth and wit, but among re- 
Jigious thoughts and duties not worthy to be named; 
nor to be read at any time without good eaution, much 
less in time of trouble and affliction, to be a Christian's 
prayer-book ? It hardly uan be thought upon without 
some laughter, that he who had acted over us so stately 
and so tragically, should leave the world at last witli 
such a ridiculous exit, as to bequeath among his 
deifying friends that stood ahoiit him, such a piece of 
mockery to be published by them, as must needs cover 
both his and their heads with shame and confusion. 
And sure it was the hand of God that let them fall, 
and be taken in such a foolish trap, as hatli exposed 
them to ail derision, if for nothing else, to throw con- 
tempt and disgrace in the sight of all men, upon this 
his idolized book [Icon Basilike], and the whole rasary 
of his prayers; thereby testifying how little he ac- 
cepted them from those who thought no better of tlic 
living God than of a buzzard idol, that would be 
served and worshipped with the polluted trash of 
romances and Areadias, without discerning the affront 
so irreligiously and so boldly offered him to his face "." 
Id the second edition of Icoooclastes, Alilton makes 
some large additions to his observations on the plagi- 
arism of Charles. They are too long to be here re- 
peated ; but what follows 1 think deserves to he roi 
garded, on account of its great spirit and heauty. 

• Milton's Prose Works, vol. I, p. 408. 


■ t]K 


tliey had not been so, on account of tlie ' 

" Bm leaving," acids he, ' " what might justly bfl 
offensive to God, it was a trespass also more than usual 
against human right, which commands that every 
amhor should have the property of his own work 
reserved to him after bis death, as well as living. 
Many princes have been rigorous in laying taxes od 
their suhjects by the head ; but if any king heretofore, 
that made a levy upon their wit, and seized it as his 
own legitimate, I have not whom beside to instance'^' 
" All this may be thought perhaps very severe: but 
unluckily the thing charged on Charles, the stealing 
this prayer from the Arcadia, is true, though it has 
been pretended to be otherwise by some gentlemen. 
I will qnote Wagstaff, whose vindication of king 
■ Charles, against Walker and others, is in good esteem 
with the admirers of this monarch, — " I know but of 
one objection more, and that respects a prayer added 
to some editions of the king's hook [Icon Basilike], as 
used by the king, and said to be taken out of a ro» 
niance, &c. Now though I know of no manner of 
harm in this, and the objection is plainly peevish and 
querulous ; for why may not a man nse good exV 
pressioiis in his prayers, let them be borrowed froni' i 
whom they wilt, as well aa a good sentence out of a 
heathen writer, and which was never any blemish, ', 
though on the most pious occasions; yet there is great 
reason to believe that the king did never make use of ' 
it, for that it is nob found in the first, nor in severaf- ' 
other of the most early editions of this book''." — The 
same writer afterwards adds, " Since the first editioa 
of this vindication, I have received full and convincing 

lend. n36. p. 10. 
p,iO. Utai. imi. 

n, publii-tieil in 155U, re-pnblisbed' by Baron in ito. 
' VindicstitMiof King Cbarlcs the Martyr, 8v>. 




prayer taken from Sir Philip Sidney** 

information, concerning the mystery of this prayer, 
thatit wasan artificeof Bradshaw, orMihon, or both, 
and by them surreptitiously thrust into the king's 
works, to discredit the whole. This information comes 
originally from Mr. Hills the printer; but conveyed by 
two worthy gentlemen, and against whom there can 
be no possible exception, Dr. Gill and Dr. Bernard, 
who both were physicians to him, and very iniimate 
with him. A'V'^hat Hills declaied, as these gentlemen 
say, was this: Mr. Dugard, who was Milton's inti- 
mate friend, happened to be taken printing an edition 
of the king's book. Milton used his interest to bring 
him off, which he effected by the means of Bradshaw; 
but upon this condition, that Dugard should add 
Pamela's prayer to the aforesaid books he was printing, 
as an attonemcnt for his fault, they designing thereby 
to bring a scandal upon the book, and blast the repu- 
tation of its author; pursuant to which design, they 
industriously took care afterwards, as soon as published, 
to have it taken notice of*." — In reply to this, Toiand 
says, " I wonder at the easiness of Dr. Gill and Dr. 
Bernard to believe so gross a fable, when it does not 
appear that Dugard, who was printer to the parlia- 
ment, ever printed this book; and the prayer is in the 
second edition, published by Mr. Roysion, whose evi- 
dence isalledged to prove the genuineness of the book. 
And if the king's friends thought it not his own, what 
made them print it in the first impression of his works 
in folio, by Royston in 1662, when Milton could not 
tamper with the press ? Or wliy did they let it pass 
in the last impression in folio by Mr. Cbiswell, io 
the year 86, when all the world knew that it was long 
before exposed in Iconoclastes"?" Thisseemi to have 

■ W»gsta^ p. 51, » Toiand'* Amyntor, p, 15*. Byo. Lond. I69». 



Arcadia, which has given them much' 
trouble, and caused his adversaries tri- 
umphantly to insult over him. Whether 

■ome force, and will be deemed, perhaps, satisfactory 
by many readers. But that nothing may be wanting 
to give satLbfaction in this affair, I will add the words 
of a much altler writer than either of these gentlemen, 
and then leave the reader to his own judgment concern- 
ing it. " In this controversy [about Icon BasiUke] 
a heavy charge hath been alledged against Milton. 
Some editions of the king's book have certain prayers 
added at the end, and among them a prayer in time 
of captivity, which is taken from that of Pamela in 
Sir Philip Sidney's Arcadia: and it is said this prayer 
was added by the contrivance and artifice of Milton, 
who, together with Bradshaw, prevailed upon the 
printer to insert it, that from thence he might take 
occasion to bring a scandal upon the king, and to 
blast the reputation of his book, as he hath attempted 
to do in the first section of his answer. This fact is 
related chiefly upon the authority of Henry Hills the 
printer, who had frequently affirmed it to Dr. Gill and 
Ur. Bernard, his physicians, as they themselves have 
testiSed. But Hills was not himself the printer, who 
was dealt with in this manner, and consequently he 
could have the story only from hearsay ; and though 
he was Cromwell's printer, yet afterwards he turned 
papist in the reign of James U, in order to be that 
king's printer, and it was at that time that he used to 
relate this story; so that I ttiink little credit is due to - 
bit testimony. And indeed 1 cannot but hope and 
believe, that Milton had a soul above being guilty of 
8o mean an action, to serve so mean a purpose; and 
there is as little reason for fixing it upon him, as ' 
bad to tiaduce the king fox profaning the ^tv 



Charles was the author of Icon Basliike, 
is a question that has been'' frequently 
canvassed, anil seems yet pretty difficult to 

prayer 'with the polluted trash of romances!' For 
there are not many finer prayers in the best books of 
devotion; and the Iving might as lawfully borrow and 
apply it to his own occasions, as the apostle might 
make quotations from heathen poems and plays: and 
it became Milton the least of all men lo bring such 
an accusation against the king, as he was himself 
particularly fond of reading romances, and has made 
use of them in some of the best and latest of his 

" Whether Charles was the author of Icon Basilike, 
is a question that has been frequently canvassed. Sec.} 
The controversy coucerning ihe author of Icon Basi- 
like, has been of long standing. It was published aooa 
after the death of Charles, in hia name, and was re- 
ceived as his by the generality of the three kingdoms. 
Milton printed an answer to it in 1649, under tlie. 
title of Iconoclastes, which had several ediliuns, and. 
hai been frequently reprinted among tlie collection of 
liis works. — In the preface to this answer, a doubt is 
made whether the author of these soliloquies were the. 
late king, or some secret coadjutor ? , But tliroughout 
the body of the reply, the Icon. Basilike is. treated as 
the king's, whose actions it was intended to defend. In 
1G51, William Lilly published his. Monarchy or no 
Monarchy in England, which is what Jias, been since 
reprinted (as I take it) under the title of " Observa- 
tions on the Life and Death of King Charles." In 
this piece, speaking of the Icon Basilike, he says, 

• HiKon's Life, by Dr. Newton, prfRicd lo thn first vol. of Paradise 
Lnrt,' p. 30. Bto. LddiI. llitt— See also Dr. Birch's Ufe nf Milton, pra- 
Gud to thi Ant voL of his proM workx, ia 4to. p. 33. 





resolve. Probabilities there are on both 


**•^It mitiataiiis so many coatradictlons unto tlio9e 
things manifested by his own letters, ubdei his awiJ 
hands, unto tlie queen, that -I conceive the most 
part of it apocrypha: the meditations or psalms 
wholly were added, by otters: some loose papers 
lie had, I do well know; but they were nothing so 
well methodized, but rather papers intended after 
for the press, or as it were a memorial or diary, 
than such a well-coucbcd piece, and' to so little piir- 
poseV But Millon and Lilly were atlversaries to 
Qbarles, and therefore hille attention was paid to them 
hy tbe public. Un the contrary, Milton, for his doubt, 
was treated as " a base scribe, naturnlly fitted to 
compose satyrs and invent reproaches, and brandei 
as one of those who was hired to despoil tlie ting otm 
the credit of being the author of this performance ''." 
In the same style Sir \Villiam Dugdale speaks coti- 


this book. " Charles's adversaries dis 


•oon after his death, those most divine meditations 
made public by the press, and intituled Icon Basllike, . 
which in his deplorable and disconsolate solitudes he 
had patbetieally put in writing; whereby his great- 
prudence, patience, and piety in those his woful suffer- 
ings would be made openly conspicuous to the world; 
and not being able to suppress them (as they did 
earnestly endeavour to do), they made it their work 
to blast them, by their false and impudent reports, 
that they were none of his own, but composed by 
some royalist to gain a reputation to his memory, 
which they studied by all malicious projects and 
practices to suppress, and to that purpose encouraged ' 
a needy pedagogue, preferring hiin to the oihce of a 
secretary, to write that scandalous book called Icono* 

* Uttf, p. 13. 

» Periuchjtr, p. 59. 


sides ; on which they are the strongest, the 

claates, being abitter invective ngainst those his divine 
.meditations V In the same atjle writes Barwicli, and 
Others. But little did these warm writers imagine, 
that a time was soon approaching, when the sons of 
Charles would be found among those " who made it 
their work to blast these his meditations, by their fake 
^m\ impudent reports, Iliat they were none of his own, 
tut composed by some royalist to gain a reputation to 
'bis memory." Lord Anglesey left a memorandum 
under his hand, " that king Charles H. and the duke 
of York, did both in the year 1675, when he shewei 
them in the lords house the written copy of this book^ 
(wherein are some corrections and alterations written 
by the late king Charles the First's own hand) assure 
bim, that this was none of the said king's compiling, 
but made by Dr.'Gauderi, bishop of Exeter V Agree- 
ably hereunto is the testimony of bishop Burnet. " I 
was not a little surprised," says he, " when in the 
year 1673, in which I had a great share of favour and 
free conversation with the then duke of York, after- 
wards king James II. as he auifered me to talk very 
freely to him about matters of religion; and as I was 
urging him with somewhat out of his father's book, 
he told me that book was not of his father's writing, 
end that the letter to the prince of Wales was never 
brought to bim. He said Dr. Gauden writ it. After 
the restoration, he brought the ditke of Somerset and 
the eai'1 of Southampton both to the king and to 
himself, wiio affirmed that they knew it was his writ- 
ing; and that it was carried down by the earl of South- 
Unpton, and shewed the king during the treaty of 
Newport, who read it, and approved of it, as contain- 
ing his sense of things. Upon this he told me, that 

■ Jhort View, p. 380, » WagilalTb Vindication of IC Charles p. 3. 


reader will have an opportunity of judging^ 

though Sheldon, and other bishops, opposed Gaudeit'a 
promotion, because he had taken the covenant, yet the 
merits of that service carried it for him, notwithstand- 
ing the opposition made to itV — " Bishop Patrick, 
who was, in tlie old war-time, a great royalist, denies ' 
also that king Charles I. was ihe original author of 
Icon Basiiike"." 

To this we must add likewise the testimony of Dr> 
Walker, who assures us, " that Gauden, some time be- 
fore the whole was finished, acquainted him with his de- 
sign, and shewed him the heads of divers chapters, and 
some of the discourses written of them ; and after some 
time spent in the perusal, he asked his opiulon of it.— 
That he [Gauden] took him along with him to Dr. 
Diippa, the hishop of Salisbury, (whom he made also 
privy to his design) to fetch what papers he had left 
before for bis perusal, or to shew him what he had 
since written : and that, upon their return from that 
place, after Gauden and Duppa were a while in private 
together, the former told him, the bishop of Salisburj 
wished he had thought upon two other heads, the or- 
dinance against the common-prayer-book, and the 
denying his majesty the attendance of his chaplains; 
but that Duppa desired him to finish the rest, and he 
would take upon him to write two chapters on those 
subjects, which accordingly he did." — Walker farther 
informs us, " that Gauden told him he had sent a copy 
of Icon Basiiike to the king, in the Isle of Wight, by 
the marquis of Hartford ; that, after the restoration, h« 
told him that the duke of York knew of his being the 
real author, and had owned it to be a great service; 
that all Gauden's family spoke of it among themselves 

* Bamet, p. 76. 
p. 3J3.8TD. Loud. 17». 

^ Whjston's Memoira at hvoira Life, vel. J- 



1* THE Lll'E OF 

ia the note. However, whether this book 

as his work ; that after part of it was printed, he gave 
to Walker, with his own hand, what was last sent to 
London ; and after shewing hira what it was, sealed it, 
giving him cautionary directions how to deliver it, 
which he did on Saturday the 23d of December, 1648, 
for Mr. Royston the printer, to Mr. Peacock, brother 
to Dr. Gauden's steward, who, after the impression was 
finished, gave him, for his trouble, six books, whereof 
he always kept one by him'." This is the subatance 
of Walkei-'s evidence. I will not detain the reader any 
longer on this !^ide of the question, tban by observing, 
that in a letter of the lord cliancellor Hide's (acknow- 
ledged to be his own hand-writing by his son the earl 
, of Clarendon) to Gauden'", dated March 13, l66l, there 
is this remarkable expression; " The particular you 
mention has indeed been iiuparted lo me as a secret; I 
am soiTy I ewer knew it; and when it ceases lo be a 
secret, it will please none but Mr. Milton'." The 
meaning of this seems plain r but if it should not be 
so, the reader may possibly understand it, by remem* 
beriiig that not a word is said about Icon Basillke, In 
the long and laboured panegyric of diaries by lord 
Clarendon, in his history of the rebellion ; " whose to- 
tal silence in so full a history," saj's Mr. Hume, " com- 
posed in vindication of the king's measures and charac- 
ter, forms a very strong presumption on Toland'a 
BJde'^" [that the king was not the author of it.] 

Let us now bear what Charles's advocates say in de- 
fence of his title to it. — Dr. rcriochief, speaking of Mil- 
ton's attempts to despoil the king of the credit of this 
book, adds, " But all was in vain ; for those that were 

' ToUnd'j Amyntor, p. 88—93. 
' TVulh bmugtfto light, p. 37. 
479, in the note. 



CHARLES I. *129 

wte composed by his majesty, a<*by some 

ttble to judge of styles^ found it must be the same pen 
which wrought these meditations^ and drew those let- 
ters the faction had published for him. Others, that 
were not able to satisfy themselves by such a censure, 
were assured of it by the relations of colonel Hammond 
that was his keeper, who did attest to several persons, 
that he saw them in the king's hand, heard him pmd 
them, and did see him to correct them in his presence. 
The archbishop of Armagh [Usher] did also affirm to 
those he conversed with, that he was employed, by a 
command from the king, to get some of them out of 
the hands of the faction ; for they were taken in his 
cabinet at Naseby. And Royston, that printed them, 
did testify to those that enquired of hilD,.tbat the king 
had sent to him, 'the MichaelraA^^irfCMi^^s death, to 
provide a press for some papers he should send to him, 
which were these, together with a design for a picture 
before the book ; which at first was three crowns in- 
dented on a wreath of thorns ; but afterwards the king 
recalled that, and sent that other which is now before 
his book*." — "I shall make evident," says Dugdale^ 
'* from the testimony of very credible persons yet 
living^, that he had begun the penning of them 
[his meditations] long before he went from Oxford to 
the Scots : for the manuscript itself, Written with his 
own hand, being found in his cabinet, . which was 
taken at Naseby fight, was restored to hiiQ, after he 
was brought to Hampton-court, by the hapd of major 
Huntington, through the favour of general Fairfax, of 
whom he obtained it. And that whilst he was in the 
isle of Wight, it was there seen frequently by Mr. Tho- 
mas Herbert, whd then waited on his majesty in his 
bedchamber; as also by Mr. William Levet (a page of 

*■ Life of Charles L p. 59, . ^ Thig wm printmi in 1681 . 




other pefton under his name, it is allowed 

the back-stairs), the title then prefixed to it being 
Suspiria Regalia, who not only read several parts there- 
of, but saw the king divers times writing fcurther on it. 
Add herennto the testimony of Mr. Richard Royston, 
who was sent to by his majesty, about the beginning of 
October 1648, to prepare all things ready for the 
yn!<ming some papers which he purposed shortly after to 
cojivig^ to him ; which was this very copy, brought to 
him «li the 23d of December next following by one 
. Mr. Edward Symmons, a reverend divine, who received 
k from Dr. Bi'j'an Duppa, the bishop of Salisbury. In 
printing whereof Mr. Royston made such speed, that it 
tras finisAied J[)efore that dismal «30th of January, that 
bis mtfjiesty'ft life was so taken awayV Sir Philip 
WarwicA taHcB to the same effect. ^* Though I cannot 
say I kn^w he wrote his Icon Basilike, or Image, which 
goes under his name; yet I can say I have heard him, 
even unto my unworthy self, say many of those things 
• . k contains : and I have been assured by Mr. Levet (one 

©f the pages of his bedchamber, and who was with hii» 
through all his imprisonments), that he hath not only 
Been the manuscript of that book among his majesty'* 
papers at the isle of Wight, but read many of the 
chapters himseif. And Mr. Herbert, who by the ap- 
pointment of parliament, attended him, says, he saw 
the manuscript in the king's hand, as he believed ; but 
it was in a ranning character, and not that which the 
king usually wrote ^." And Mr. Wagstaff has given 
' an extract from a MS. of Sit Thomas Herbert's, in 

which is the following passage : " At this time it was 
(as is presumed) he composed his baek called Suspiria 
Regalia, published soon after his dmth, and intituled 
The King's Portraiture in bis Solitude and Sufferings; 

» aiiott Vi€W, p. SSI, y Mta^, p. 69r 




<x> i^ntein his own sense of things ; to be 

yhich -maiiuscript Mr. Herbert fouad among those 
books his majesty w&s graciously pleased to give him 
(those excepted which he bequeathed to his children^ 
hereafter mentioned), in regard Mr. Herbert, though he 
did not see the king write that book, his majesty being 
always private when be writ, and tbese his servants ne- 
ver coming into the bedchamber when the king waf 
private, until he called; yet comparing it with his 
hand-writing in other things, he found it so very like^ 
as induces his belief that it was his own, having seen 
much of the king's writings before^." And the same 
author has likewise given us a letter from the above- 
mentioned Mr. Levet, who therein declares, *' that of 
his own certain knowledge he can depose, that the Icon 
Basilike was fndy the king's own ; he having often o1>- 
«erved bii^iMjestiy oftentimes writing his rogral resenU 
iftents of-tMft'iiold and insolent behaviour of his nui^ 
diers (his rd>4Uio]«i subjects), when they had him m 
their «ciistod^|>^-*'I> waited on his majesty," says he, '^ as 
page of the beMttMuber in ordinary during all the time 
of his solitudes— 4md had the happiness to read the 
same oftentimes in manuscript, under his mi^estjr's own 
hand, being pleased to leave it in the window in his 
•own bedchamber, where I was always obliged to at- 
tend his majesty's coming thither." After which he 
tells us, ** that upon the king's removal from Newpoxt 
to Hurst, he gave him in charge this said book, and a 
small cabinet, which he faithftiUy presented to his ma- 
jesty's own hands that night in Hurst-castle^." To 
all this I will add a passage fromBomet. '^ I was bm^ 
up with a high veneration of this book ; and I remiai^ 
i^r, that when I heard how some denied it to be faif; 
I asked the earl of liOthian about it, who both knew 

* Vindicati 

ion, p. 37. * Id. p. S8. 

K 2 

'A^'. v:t.-. ■•jv>-g:v>Av«iuJi|| 


well written, and to have been serviceable to 

the king very well, and loved him little: he seemed 
confident it was his own work; for he said, he had 
heard him say a great many of those very periods that 
he found in that book*." — I think I have here given 
the external evidence in its full strength, for and 
against Charles's being the author of Icon Basilike. 
Those who know the history of those times, and arc 
acquainted with the writers concerning them, will be 
best able to judge on which side the probability lies. 

Let us now attend to the style and composition of 
this book. Anglesey and Burnet declare Charles 11. 
and James IL attributed this work to Gauden ; and 
we have seen Walker expressly affirms it. But Bur- 
net himself tells us/' this is certam, that Gauden never 
•writ any thing with that force; his-othejr writings 
being sndi, that no man from a likenew of itile would 
4llink him capable of writing so extBa(Mdixi|if7^ a book 
as that. is V The following paa^ng^^-jp -^agstaff 
teem very forcible. '' Let any man.cooQpMM^ tihe best 
lof Df. Ganden's writings with dii» hafi^. and do it 
rwith judgment and discretion, and I daie say he will 
be perfectly cured; and he can no more believe that 
Dr. Gauden was the author of it, than he can believe 
•that the king's picture at Whitehall, and that upon a 
sign-post, were both- drawn by the same hand. I know 
Dr. Walker talks fine things of a man's changing his 
.style, and difiering from himself. But when all the 
pieces put out in a man's own name shall be loose, 
4^rced, stiff, and elaborate, and one single one put out 
^ the name of aaolher, incomparably great and excel- 
4ikM; this is such i^change as, I believe, no man is ca- 
Mble of, and no man can give account fpr. The force 
of this, therefoie, does not. lie only in the difference of 

• Auroet, Y^l. I. p. 'la ^ Id. p. 77. 


his memory. . For all whi^ reasons, the 

style and expression^ but in that total disparity that iii 
between, them in every thing; for though a man may 
vary his style (which yet Dr. Ganden^ by the several 
subjects he hath writ on, hath given no reason to think 
that he had a talent that way), yet he cannot be master 
of better and finer thoughts when he pleases ; or if h^ 
could, to be sure, we should see something of them, o^ 
at leasts something like them, in the works which wear 
his name, and by which he designed to communicate 
himself to the present age, and his memory to poste- 
rity. Let a man therefore, who hath any understand- 
ing in these things, compare this admirable book with 
the genuine works of Dr. Gauden, his sermons, his 
speech in the lords house against the quakers, and his 
other tracts, and then let him believe they have all the 
same author if he can. This is so clear and convincing, 
that nothing ought, nothing can defeat it, but the most 
plain and invincible proofs *." He then proceeds to 
consider the historical parts of the meditations, and 
observes, " that they very well agree with the characteir 
of king Charles I. But how," adds he, " to reconcile 
them to Dr. Gauden's character is, I think, an insuper- 
able difficulty. For as to his faculty at history, and 
how judicious a compiler he was, we have (as far as I 
know) but one single instance, and that is the life of 
Mr. Hooker, wrote by him, and prefixed to one edition 
of the Ecclesiastical Policy, and which (to say no mor^y •' 
is certainly the most injudicious history of a man's lifd 
that ever was written. There are so many palpablte 
mistakes and falshoods, so very little to any purpose 
of history, so lean, jejune, and empty accounts of thfe 
man, whose life he undertook, that it plainly betrays a 
defect in every necessary qualification of an historian ; 

• Vindication of King Charles, p. 4S. 




Iteader will pardon iiiy being so long in my 
account of this controversy. 

and it Is written without care, or diligence, or judg- 
ment. But I had rather leave this to the reader's own 
eyes, than extend it further; and if he please to com- 
pare this book and that Ufe together, let him judge for 
himself; and if, after that, he can possibly believe that 
they have both one and the same author, he is aban- 
d^oned to the utmost degree of easiness and credulity, 
and may believe any thing in the world *." This should 
he well considered by those gentlemen who roundly 
assert, that Gauden was the author of Icon Basilike. — 
However, it appears, from the evidence of the writers 
against Charles's being the composer of this book, that 
it was corrected and altered by him, and that he ap- 
proved of it, as containing his sense of things, and 
therefore may properly be looked on as his defence of 
himself, as well as his accusation of his adversaries. 

This note is already long; hut the reader will, J 
hope, pardon me, if I add to it by observing, that the 
efiFects of the publishing Icon Basilike were at first very 
considerable, with regard to the memory and character 
of Charles. " Every body in foreign countries,*' says Mr. 
Bayle, " was persuaded that king Charles I. wrote the 
t>ook which bears his name ; which did so much honour 
to his memory, and appeared so fit to make him looked 
upon as a true martyr, that it was thought that Milton, 
•ndeavouring to rob him of it, did oiily use the trick of 
Ifiwyers, who deny every thing that is too . favourable 
to the Contrary party ^" Nor had it less effect athome, 
^cording to Burnet. " A compassionate regard to 
Charles 1. was much heightened by the publishing of 
his book galled Icon Basilike, which was universally 

* Vindication of King Charles, p. 47. ^ Bayle's Dictionaiy^ article 

Milton, note (n). ■ - 



The works of Charles, as I have observed^, 
are not of themselves voluminous; but yet 
the editors of them have omitted some 

believed to be bis own : and tliaj: comini^ out soon afta 
his death, had the greatest run*, in many impressionJ^ 
that any book has had in our age. There was in it a 
nobleness and justness of thought, with a greatness of 
style, that made it to be looked on as the best writ book 
in the English language : and the piety of the prayers 
piade all people cry out against the murder of a prince, 
who thought so seriously of all his affairs in his secret 
meditations before God*." So that lord Shaftesbury 
probably was right when he said, '* that it cannot be 
doubted that the pious treatise of Self-discourse, attri- 
buted to this monarch, contributed in a great measure 
to his glorious add nev(fr-fading titles of saint and 
martyr V* 

Mr. Hume observes, '^ that Milton compares the ef- 
fects of this book to those which were operated on the 
tumultuous Ronians, by Antony's reading to them the 
will of Cajsar*/* He should have quoted the page, but 
this, for the most part, he neglects to do. in his work : 
however, here is what Milton says at length. — " First, 
then, that some men (whether they were by him intend- 
ed, or by his friends) have by policy accomplished after 
death that revenge upon their enemies, which in life 
they were not able, hath been oft related. And among 
other examples we find, that the last will of Caesar 
bding read to the people, and what bounteous legacies 
he had bequeathed them, wrought more ia that vulgar 

* It has gone thitmgfa ibfty-aftven impressions ; — the number of copiet 
jame said to have been 48,500. See Mr. Joseph Ames's aocount of ih# 
several editions of this book in the London Magazine for Feb, 1756. 
** Bnrnet, vol. I. p. 'i6, *^ Characteristics^ voL 1. p* 1^3. \2wtSh 

1746. •» Hume's History, p. 473. 

fcMJ^iMM V"^ ' 

J *.' ■ 


writings to which he has an undoubted 
nght**^: particularly a letter written by 
him, when prince of Wales, in the year 1623, 

audience to the avenging of his death, than all the art 
' liie could ever use to win their favour in his life-time. 
And how much their intent, who published these over- 
late apologies and meditations of the dead king, drives 
to the same end of stirring up the people to bring him 
that honour, that affection, and by consequence that 
revenge to his dead corpse, which he himself living 
could never gain to his person ; it appears both by the 
conceited portraiture before his book, drawn out to the 
full measure of a masking scene, and set there to catch 
fools and silly gazers ; and by those Latin words after 
the end, Vota dabunty qu(R bella negarunt ; intimating, 
that what he could not compass by war, he should 
atchieve by his meditations*." — Let the reader judge 
from hence of the exactness of this polite writer, and 
the reliance which is due to his narratives. 

*^ The editors of Charleses works have omitted some 
writings to which he has an undoubted right.] Toland 
attacks the editors of Charles's works very briskly on 
this subject. " I must remark," says he, " that the' his 
pretended friends were so ready to father such books 
on Charles L. wherein he had no hand; yet they indus- 
triously left out of his works a letter to pope Gregory 
XV, whereof I can prove him as evidently to be the 
ftuthor, as Cicero or Virgil may be entitled to the Phi- 
lippics and the iBaeids. There is an interpolated copy 
of it in the first volume of Bushworth's Collections : 
it is rightly inserted in the quarto edition of a book 
called Cabala, or Mysteries of State. It is also in the 
Italian Mercury of Vittorio Siri ; in Dn Chesne's French 

* MikoB^ FRMe W«k% tdL L p. 403. 



to pope Gregory XV. and another in Hie 
year 16S4, to pope Urban VIII. To these 

History of England, Scotland, and Ireland; and iii 
several Spanish and Italian authors. Pope Urban VIII. 
mentions it in the letter which he likewise sent this 
prince, with another to his father king James; both 
which may be read in Rush worth's Collections. Now 
was not the omitting this letter a notorious fraud, since 
that it alone, with those letters which the parliament 
published to disgrace him, and a few pieces besides, 
make up all his genuine writings V The following 
account of Charles's letter to Gregory XV. is taken 
from a writer remarkable for his fidelity and exactness. 
" We find two letters of Charles to Gregory XV. and 
Urban VIII. The former of these letters was written 
while he was prince of Wales, and in Spain, in answer 
to one from the pope, dated April 20, 1623, ezhordng^ 
him to come into the bosom of the Church, and imitate 
his glorious ancestors, who had done such great things 
for the defence of religion. The prince's answer, dated 
at Madrid^ June 20, the same year, was published sooa 
after in the Mercure Francois, and since reprinted in 
Wilson, Rushworth, &c. tho' there is some difference 
in the copies given by the two last mentioned histori- 
ans. But in that of the Mercure Francois, which agrees 
with Rushworth's [I think it should be Wilson's], are 
these most remarkable expressions: Mt was an un- 
speakable pleasure to me to read the generous exploits ' 
of' the kings my predecessors, to whose memory pos- 
terity hath not given those praises and elogies of ho- 
nour, as were due to them. I do believe that your 
holiness hath set their examples before my eyes, to the 
«nd that I might imitate them in all my actions ; for^^ 

• Amyntor, p. 171. 





also we must add the instractions given to 
his minister at Paris, containing an account 

in truth, they have often exposed their estates and 
lives for the exaltation of the holy chair. And the 

. courage with which they have assaulted the enemies of 
the cross t>f Je$us Christy hath not been less than the 
care and thought which I have, to the end, that the 
peace and int/elligence, which hath hitherto been want^ 
ing in Christendom, might be bound with the bond of 
a true concord. For like as the common enemy of 
peace watcheth always to put hatred and dissention 
between the Christian princes, so I believe that the 
glory of Go4 requires, that we should endeavour to 
unite liiem. And I dp not esteem it a greater honour to 
be descended from so great princes, than to imitate 
liiem m the zeal of their piety; in which it helps me 

, TifBCj mBch to have known the mind and will of our 
fhrice bionoured lord and father, and the holy intentions 
of his catholic niajesty, to give a happy concurrence 
to so laudable a design ! For it grieves him extremely 
to see the great evil, that grows from the division of 
Christian princes, which the wisdom of your holiness 

- ^resaw, when it judged the marriage, which you plead- 
ed to de^igp between the infanta of Spain and myself, 
to be neoessairy to procure so great a good. For it is 
very cer.tain, that 1 shall neyer be so extremely affec- 
tionate to any thing in the world, as to endeavour an 
^ piliiiiiee with a prince that hath the same apprehension 
0f true religion with myself. Therefore I intreat your 
holiness to ielieve, that I have been always very fai: 
from encouraging novelties, or to be a pMtizan of any 
faction against the catholic apostolic Roihan religion \ 
but, on the contrary, I have sought lUf occasions to 
take away the suspicion that might rest upon me, €ind 
that I will employ myself for the time to come, to have 

tDHARLES I, 13§ 

pf the ill behaviour of his queen .to^rard^ 
|iim, as likewise the instructions to colonel 

but one religion and one faith, seeing diat we a)l ber 
lieve in Jesus Christ; having resolved in myself ti| 
spare nothing, that I have in Uie world, and to suffer 
^11 manner pf distsomi^oditie^ even to tlie hazarding 
pf my estate and life, for a thing so pleasing untq 

God V The king^> letter to pope Urban VIII. wai| 

written in 1634: it is in Latin, and was occasioned by 
fbe distresses the house of Lorrain was involved In by 
the arms of France, It shews great affection to the 
princes of that family, and is full of prising ^drcsse^ 
pQ l^is lioliness to exert his paternal authority to put 
an end to the calamities of the war. There is nothing 
fn it on the subject of religion ; bat it is merely a civil 
pompliment for a civil end, as Pry nne justly observes^ 
This letter was fopnd amp'ng Laud's papers, and ear 
dorsed with his own hands in these words : " Rece. OcL 
15, 1635. A copy of the letter which is reported king 
Charles did write to pope Urban VIII. abdut the resti- 
tution of the duke of Loraigne^'\ So that tliere can 
be little doubt concerning its genuineness, or of the 
ponespondeace his majesty held on some occasioni^ 

with the head of the Romish cbujrch. But the editors 

of Ch^les^s works are chargeable with other omis* 
Bions, naootely^ the instructions he gave to lord Carleton, 
contmnSmig airfteeount of hit queen's ill behaviour to* 
ward Utti^^fl^Which I have abready given an account; 
and ihstraetiosii to colonel Cookism [Cockeram], to be 
pursued in htMsegotiation to ^e king of Denmark. In 
these are set ^Mrtfa^ ^^ the ondutiful behavionr of many 

^ Enquiry into the Share vrhich K. Charles I. had in the Transactions of 
the Earl of Glamorgao, J) 285. 8vo. Lond. 1747, ^ Prynne's Hiddc|i 

Works Qf Parkness, p. 142. fbl. Lond. 1645. 






Cockeram, to be pursued in his negotiation 
with the king of Denmark. More of 

of his majesty's snbjectSy who have not only invaded 
his majesty in his particular rites, but have laid a de- 
signe to dissolve the monarchic and frame of govern- 
ment, under pretences of liberty and Religion, becoming 
a dangerous precedent to all the monarchies of Christen- 
dome to be looked upon with successe in their designe." 
After this he shews the reasons he had *^ to forsake 
London; the effect of his declarations to undeceive the 
people, and to draw to him universally the nobility and 
gentry of the kingdom ; the force he was master of, 
and the good condition of his affairs. And in order 
iarther to induce his Danish majesty to give him the 
assistance demanded, he the said colonel is to set forth, 
that it had been moved in the commons house to set 
out a fleet to take away his customs of the sound ; 
that the commons had given instructions to the fleet 
to visit, search, and intercept all such Danish ships as 
they should meet, and to fight with, sink, or destroy, 
all such as should resist them ; that this actually had 
been done by them; and that they permitted not 
Danish ships, drove in by stress of weather, so mnch 
as to water." After whicb there follow these very re- 
markable words : > 

" That in pursuance of their [the parliameat's] great 
designe of extirpating the royall blood»^lui4' momrchie 
of England, they have endeavoured lilieiiriie ta lay a 
great blemish upon his royall family, endeatonring to 
illegitimate all derived from his [DennaariEV] sister, at 
once to cut off the interest and pretensions of the whole 
race, which their most detestable and scandalous de- 
signe they have pursued, examining witnesses, and con- 
ferring circumstances, and times, to colour their pre- 





Charles's letters we were likely once to have 
had ; but by the uncommon care of the 

tensions in so great a fault : and which as his sacred 
raajestie of England^ in the true sense of honour of his 
mother^ doth abhor, and will punish, so he expect his 
[Denmark's] concurrence, in vindicating a sister of so 
iiappy memory, and^by whom so near an union and 
continued league of amity, hath been produced between 
the families and kingdomi. These things were to be 
j^.^ urged by Cockeram to the Sttnish king, in order, we 
X, ^^y suppose, to inflame him against the parliament, 
*|^' " and thereby procure a loane of 100,000/. in money, 
6000 musquets, 1500 horse-arms, and 0,0 pieces of field- 
artillery mounted, together with some horse-men*/* 
These instructions have no date ; but they must have 
been given about the middle of the year 1642, at the 
latest: for we read in Whitlock, " that in November, 
that year, letters from Holland to the king were inter- 
cepted, whereby notice is given him of store of ammu- 
nition and money sent to him from thence, and of an 
ambassador coming from Denmark to the king, and 
colonel Cockeram with him ^/' — Milton speaks of this 
suspicion, mentioned of his mother's chastity, in the 
following terms : " Was it not dishonourable in him- 
self [Charles] to feign suspicions and jealousies, which 
we found among those letters [taken at Naseby], touch- 
ing the chastity of his mother, thereby to gain assist- 
ance from tlie king of Denfllark, as in vindication of 
his sister^/' It looks by this, that Milton was unac- 
quainted with the rumours of that queen's amours*^. 
These instructions to Cddferan were afterwards made 

* Kiog'8 Cabinet, p. 33, 43. ^ -' i^/ ^gpiitlock's Memorials, p. 66L 
^ Milton's Prose Works, p. 463. ■!» Historical and Critical Ae- 

count qC the Uh of James I. p, 16—40, 

^ry.t^<.. v<frX>;^>S5 

Ui tttE LitE OF 

friends to his memory they were suppress* 
ed *% and will notj in all probability, ever 

use of by the parliament to Charles's disadvantage^ as 
we may learn from the following passage. — Feb. 11, 
1647, ** Debate upon the declaration touching no more 
addresses to the king, and voted upon hearing proofs, 
that his majesties instructions ij6 Mr. Cbckeram — be 
inserted in the declaration, and ordered it to be printed 
and published*.'* 

What I have here inserted, is merely to discharge 
the duty of anhistorian. I am accountable for nothing 
contained in these letters and instructions : whether 
they are honourable or disgraceful to their author, the 
reader, as he has a right, will and must judge. But I 
cannot conclude this note without observing, that the 
artifice of the editors of Charles's works was poor and 
ineffectual. They thought to have buried these writ- 
ings in oblivion, by omitting them in their collection; 
they imagined that for the future teen would not think 
of them. But tHe thought was vain, as they had made 
so much noise in the world, and had been inserted in 
so many different collections ; and the event has shewrt, 
that historical inquirers have come to the knowledge 
of them, and declared their contents. For all writers 
have not been so very complaisant to the memory of 
this monarch as Mr. Hume, who passes over so re- 
markable a letter as what is here quoted to Gregory 
XV. with only saying7 " that tlie prince [Charles] 
having received a very civil letter from the pope, he 
was induced to return a very civil answer V 

*^ More of Charles's letters we were likely once to 
have had ; but by the friends to his memory they were 
suppressed.] Thevpbwing quotation, as it contains 

* Whitlock, p. 29 1 . * Hfetory of Great Britain, p. 100. 

CHABLfiS t i4S 

ifee the light. All that remains now to be 

something remarkable, so will it be new to a great 
many of my readers, who, I doubt not, will be pleased 

with my giving it them at length.- ** The most ex* 

ceptionable part of Charles l.'s character, and what 
appears to have been the main source of his misfor- 
tunes, and occasion of his ruin, was his want of since* 
rity in all matters, in which his power and prerogative 
were concerned. This is too clearly proved by many 
public facts, to be denied by any impartial person; 
and might have been still more strongly evinced, if the 
friends to the king's memory had not taken an uncom- 
mon care to suppress such evidences as would have dis- 
credited their panegyrics upon him. A remarkable in- 
stance of this zeal appears from a letter of Dr. Charles 
Hickman [afterwards bishop of Londonderry], chaplain ^ 
to Laurence Hyde earl of Rochester, the younger son 
of the earl of Clarendon, and the editor of his history. 
This letter was written by the doctor, at the desire of 
his patron, to Dr. Thomas Sprat, bishop of Rochester, 
to request that prelate's concurrence for preventing the 
intended publication of a collection of letters of kiuj 
Charles L to his queen; which must have been di 
ent from those taken in his cabinet at Naseby, since the 
latter had not only been published by order of the long 
parliament, but likewise several times reprinted, and 
particularly with that king's works. But the former 
collection has never seen, nor is ever likely to see the 
light ; as it is probable, that those who appear, from 
Dr. Hickman's letter, so zealous for his majesty's me- 
mory, would sacrifice to his honour what they thought 
so inconsistent with it. This suppression of important 
facts, in favour of particular characters and parties, is 
little less criminal than the absolute falsification of 
them : and such a violation of one of the first laws of 



brook Castle in the year 1648. They have 


Great monareh of the world, from whoie power tpriiist 
The potency and power of kings, 
Recoid the royal woe my suffering sings; 

And teach my tongue^ that ever did confine 
Its facalties in tmtb's seraphic line. 
To track the treasons of thy foes and mine. 

Nature and law, by thy divine decree, 
(The only root of righteoos royaltie) 
With this dim diadem inyested me : 

With it, the sacred sceptre, purple robe. 
The holy nnctkm, and the ro3ral globe: 
Yetam Ilerell'd wHh the life of Job. 

'The fiercest furies, that do daily tread 
trpon my grief, my gray-discrowned head, 
fkn those that owe my bounty for their bread. 

,They raise a war, and duristen it " the came,** 
'IVhilst sacrilegious hands haTe best applause^ 
Plunder and murder are the kingdom's laws; 

Tyranny bears the title of taxation. 
Revenge and robbery are reformation. 
Oppression gains the name of sequestration, 

My loyal snlgectsyho in this bad season 
Attend me (by the law of God and reason) 
They dare impeach and punish for high treason. 


Next at the clergy do thalr furies frown, 
. Pious episcopacy must go down. 
They will destroy the crosier and the crown, 


Churchmen are.chain'd, and sdiismaticks are free'd, 
Meclumicks preach, ai^ holy fathers bleed, 
The crown m crucified with the creed. 


been omitted in the coHection of his works; 
though no doubt has been made of their ge- 
nuineness. N 


The church of England doth all faction foster. 
The pulpit is usurp'd by each impostor. 
Ex tempore excludes the^^er notUr* 

The presbyter and independant seed 
Springs with broad blades; to make religioii bleed, 
Herod and Pontius Pilate are agreed. 

The comer stones misplac'd by erery pavior ; 
With such a bloody method and behayiour, : 
Their ancestors did crucifie our Saviour. . 

• XIV. 

My rojral consort, ftom whose fruitftil womb 
So many princes legally have come, 
its ifoic'd in pilgrimage to seek a tomb. 


Great Britain's heir is forced into France, 
Whilst on his father's head his foes advance : 
Poor child! he weqps out his inheritance. 

With my own power my majesty they wound, 
&i the king's name the king himself 's nncrown'd : 
So doth the dost destroy the diamond. 

' With propositions daily they enchai](t ' 
My people's ears, such as do reason daunt, 
And the Almighty will not let me grant. 

They promise to erect my toytX stem, ' 
To make me great, t^ advftnoe my diadem. 
If I will first fall down and worship them ! '" ^ 


But for refusal they devour my thrones, 
Pistress my children, and destroy my bones, 
I fear they'll force me to make bread of stones. 


« ■» 


, But it is time to pass from the private 
to the pubUc character of Charles. Abroad 
he made Uttle figure; his wars being ill 


My life tbey prize at such a slender rate, 
That in my absence they draw bills of hate» 
To prove the king a tray tor to the state. 


Felons obtain more privilpge than f. 
They, are allowM to answer ere they die ; 
'Tis death for me to ask the reason, why. 

But sacred Saviour, with thy words I woo 
Thee to forgive, and not be bitter to 
Such, as thoa know'st do not know what they dor 

For since they from their Lord are so disjointed, 
As to contemn those edicts he appointed. 
How can they prize the power of his anointed? . ^ 

Augment my patience, nullifie my hate, 
'Preserve my issue, and inspire my mate. 
Yet thoqgh we perish, bless this church and state* 

Of this poem, Dr. Burnet (who says he had it from 
a very worthy gentleman, , who waited on his majesty 
at that time, and copied it out from the original) ob- 
serves, " that the mighty *sense and great piety of it, 
will be found to be beyond all the finest sublimities of 
poetry which yet are not wanting here *." 

And Mr. Hume, speaking of this copy of verses, re- 
marks, " that the truth of the sentiment, rather than 
the elegance of expression, renders them very pathe- 
tic ^'''toe reader, wh6 attentively considers them, 
will bl^lpfki to judge of the propriety of these observa« 
tions/^iJU^f the poetical talents of his majesty. 

' Memoirs cil^the Dakes of HumUton^ p. 379. ^ History of Gnat 

Britain, p. 451. - ■ 

CHARLES I. ftff'" 

conducted, and unsuccessful : witness the 
war with Spain '% which he found liiraself 

I have DOW finished the account of Charles's writ- 
ings: andasamemento to princes, antl theirministera, 
(if such should ever cast ao pye on this performance) 
I will close the note with the wholesome advice of 
lord Shaftesbury. " I will not," says he, " take upon 
roe to recommend this author-character to our future 
princes. Whatever crowns or lawrels their renowned 
predecessors [Henry VIII. James I. and Charles i.j 
may have gathered in this field of honor; I should 
think Ihnt, for the future, the speculative province 
might more properly be eornmitied to private iieads. 
It would be a sulHcient encouragement to the learned 
world, and a sure earnest of the increase and flourish- 
jng of letters in our nation, if its sovereigns would be 
contented to be the patrons of wit, and vouchsafe to 
look graciously on the ingenious pupils of art. Or 
were it Ihe custom of their prime ministers to have any 
such regard, it would of itself be sufficient to cliange 
the face of affairs. A small degree of favour would 
insure the fortunes of a distressed and ruinous tribe, 
whose forlorn condition has helped to draw disgrace 
upon arts aod sciences, and kept iheui far off from 
that politeness and beauty, ia which they would soou 
■ appear'." 

'" Witness the war with Spain, &c.] Charles, by 
irttesling the narrative of the duke of Buckingliatn, . 
concerning the Spaniards' behaviour in the match with 
the infanta, and the restitution of tlic Palatinate, was 
the occasion of the parhametu's desire ihat the treaties 
should be broken Off, and arms made use of to recover 
the patrimony of the king of Bohemia. King James, 


engaged iii on his accession to the throne, 
March 26, 1625 c a war which began with 


against his inclinations^ seemed to comply with the 
voice of his people^ declared by their representatives ; 
and preparations were made for war. In the mean- 
while James died ; and Charles, intent on carrying on 
what by Buckingham's instigation he had began, 
quickly assembled a parliament; in which, at the 
opening of it, he was pleased to say, '^ My lords and 
gentlemen, I hope you remember you were pleased to 
employ me to advise my father to break off those two 
treaties that were on foot ; so that I cannot say I came 
hither a free unengaged man. It's true, 1 came into 
this business willingly and freely, like a young man, 
and consequently rashly ; but it was by your interest, 
your engagement ; so that though it were done like a 
young man, yet I cannot repent me of it, and I think 
none can blame me for it, knowing the love and fidelity 
you have borne to your king, having myself likewise 
some little experience of your affections. I pray you 
remember that this being my first action, and begunt 
hy your advice and intreaty, what a great dishonour it 
^ere to you, and me, if this action, so begun, should 
fail for that assistance you are able to give me. Yet 
knowing the constancy of your love, both to me and 
this business, I needed not to have said this, but only 
to shew what care and sense I have of yom* honours 
jBjid my own. — Wherefore I hope you will take such 
grave counsel, as you will expedite what you have in 
tiand to do : which will do me and yourselvefl an 
infinite deal of honour ; you, in shewing yoi^ loye to 
nie; ^nd me, that I ^ay perfect that work which my 
father hath so happily begun "".'' After ttus the lord- 

* Frankland's Annals, p. 109. 



fitting out a considerable fleet, under an 

keeper Williams, by his majesty's order, told tbenif 
" that the king's maia reason of calliDg this parlia- 
rnent, was to mind them of the great engagemeDta foe 
the recovery of the Palatinate, aud to let them under- 
stand that the subsidies graated in the last parliament 
were already spent, together with as much of the 

king's own revenue." It must be confessed this 

address of Charles was very proper, and calculated to 
make the parliament readily and powerfully support 
him. But however it was, two subsidies only were 
granted; nor could the king, either at London, or 
Oxford, (where the parliament, on account of the 
plague, was ordered to be assembled after its adjourn- 
ment) obtain more. The commons had their griev- 
ances; and their touching on them was unacceptable 
to the court, especially as Buckingham began to be 
severely Inveighed against; and rather than be forced 
to redress them, his majesty chose to dissolve the 
parliament, though money was never more wanted by 
a king for his own private use, and to carry on the 
war '. 

But notwithstanding the dissolution of the parlia- 
ment, Charles having raised money by way of loan^ 
though contrary to law, determined to carry on the 
war against Spain. " To this end, a fleet was fitted 
out for an expedition against that kingdom. The 
command thereof, instead of being bestowed on Sir 
Kobert Mansel, an old and experienced seaman, and 
»ic&-admiral of England, was given to Sir Edward 
Cecil, a soldier trained in the Low-country wars, who, 
for the honour of the enterprize, was created viscount 
Wimbledon ; and agreeable to the choice of the general 

' See Sidnfy's Sute-papera, vol. IL p. 360, 363. 

unexperienced sea-commander, the viscouni 

was the success of this expedition. His fleet con- 

^sted of eighty sail, of whlcli number some were ships 

*£ the States General; and the carls of Essex and 

tenbigh were his vice and rear admirals ; wilh which 

getting sail from Plymouth, when he was got some 

Ifew leagues at sea, he was encountered wilh a violent 

which dispersed the fleet, so that they were 

bany days before they got together at tlieir appointed 

rendezvous off cape St. Vincent. From thence pro- 

; to the bay of Cadiz, they found there, near 

he Puntal, fourteen great ships, and twelve gallies, 

llrhich, through neglect and mismanagement, they 

i^ffered to escape; for though the earl of Essex, pur- 

B-^ant to the general's orders, did very resoliUely and 

foravely attack them, yet the rest of the fleet not 

^Toming up timely to his assistance, the Spanish ships, 

r having given the earl a warm salute or two, re- 

ired over to Port Real : to which place it was not 

lught fit to follow them, whether through the igno- 

■rance of the pilots, or unskilfulness of the general, is 

)iard to determine. So that failing in this cnterprize, 

ley attacked the castle of Puntal, and with the loss of 

I great many men, made a shift to atchieve the reduc- 

Eon of that place : after which, having made some in- 

(ffectual efforts against the town of Cadiz, the troops 

mbarked, and the fleet set sail for cape St. Vin- 

jgent, to cruize in the ofting of that place for the Flota 

rpm America, where having waited for some lime in 

Bin, the men began to grow very sickly ; when, to 

mpiete the miscarriages of this expedition, the sick 

^men were distributed through the wtiole fleet, two to 

each ship, by which means the sickness was increased 

to such a degrre, that there were scarce hands enough 

left to carry the fleet home, which, in the month of 


CHARLES r. 153 

Wimbl«ion ; which, after a fruitless expe- 

December, returned ingloriously to England*.*'- 

This was the only expedition against Spain, this the 
fruit of it! which, we may be sure, tended not greatly 
to the reputation of the British arms, or the honour of 
the British monarch. — However, this dishonourable 
expedition to Cadiz did not sit easy on Charles. He 
testified his resentment of Wimbledon's conduct, by 
calling.him to an account before his council, and after- 
wards forbidding him his presence. Wimbledon, how- 
ever, stood stoutly in his own justification, and laid the 
blame on Sir Michael Geree and the earl of Essex, 
" who," says he, " let pass the king of Spain's ships 
that offered him fight, which would have been the 
chief service, having instructions not to let any flie, 
or break out, without fighting with them." After this, 
in a letter to Buckingham, he adds, "I hold myself 
clear of all imputations, in despight of all malice and 
piractice that hath been against me, to obscure all my 
endeavours, which my adversaries in their consciences 
can best witness, that when they slept, I waked ; whea 
they made good chear, I fasted; and when they rested, 
I toiled. And besides, when they went about to hinder 
the journey at Plymouth, by railing at the beggarli- 
ness of it, and discrediting of it, I was contented to 
take it upon me, though against my judgment, as I 
did secretly deliver both to his majesty and your graces 
before I departed from the coast: nominating in my 
letter to his majesty all the inconveniences that did 
after happen unto the<fleet; for had it not been in 
obedience to his majesty, and my good affection to 
your excellency (that I did see so much affect it, and 
was so hx engaged), I would rather have been torne 

* Bnrebet't NbtaI History, p. 370. fbl. Lond. 1720. See also Aista 
Kfcgia, p. 555. fol. Lond. And HowePt Tirttew, p. 168. 


dition to Cadiz, returned home most igno-^ 

in pieces, than to have gone with so many ignorant 
and malicious people, that did shew so little affection 
or courage to his majestie's service, or any affection at 
dl to your excellency. Yet for all this, all hath been 
laid upon me, having had rather hard courses taken 
against me, than any way maintained in my com- 
mission which was given me, which no state, . that I 
ever heard of, did before, i pray God, his majestie*s 
future service do not suffer for it; for where hig 
majestie's officers are not obeyed, he can never be 
served*." — I suppose Wimbledon was not believed; 
for after this he was not employed, though he had 
been a creature of Buckingham's. 

About this time likewise Charles sent the duke of 
Buckingham and the earl of Holland ambassadors to 
the United Provinces, where they met those of f rance^ 
Holland, and Denmark, and concluded a league against 
the Emperor and the king of Spain, for the restoring 
the Palatinate and the liberties of Germany. Where- 
iipon the king of Denmark took up arms, and' was 
assisted by six thousand men from England, under the 
^mmand of Sir Charles Morgan. But he was soon 
defeated by Tilly the imperial general, and forced to 
inake peace with the Emperor ; by which means the 
Ilope of restoring that country was lost, and Charles 
was moreover reflected on for not giving the assist- 
aace he had promised ^ After these ill successes; 
fptafi were no more recurred to against the Emperor or 
Spain ; but a peace was concluded with the latter, and 
proclaimed at London, November 27, 1631. 

Whoever calls to mind the zeal the parliament in 
James's time eirpressed for a rupture with 3pctin, and 

• Cabala, p. 405. ^ See Nani's History of VcBoe^ p. S55. fol. 

Lond. 1673. and Acta Regta, ik 55S. 


miniously; and nothing against that natioQ 

the recovery of the Palatinate by force of arms, ma/ 
well enough wonder at the small supplies given bjT 
Charles's parliament for these ends. Lord Clarendon ' 
reflects on this parliament for refusing to supply the 
king, according to his desire, out of hatred to Buck* 
ingham, "whom they called the corrupter of the king^ 
and betrayer of the liberties of the people, without," 
says he, " imputing the least crime to him, to have 
been commiUcd since the time of that exalted adula^ 
tion [when he returned with the prince from Spain; 
and was called our saviour], or that was not then as 
much known to them as it could be now'," But in 
answer hereunto, lord Bolingbroke remarks, "thatth^ , 
parliaments, which met after the accession of king 
Charles, became incensed, as they discovered more i 
and more that thjC account given by the duke a! 
BuckiDgham, in the reiga of king James, and on 
which the resolutions ofthatparliament had been takeoi 
was false in almost every point. A system of lies^ 
dressed up to deceive the nation, and imposed on lh« 
parliament, could neither remain undiscovered, nof 
escape the resentment and indignation it deserved^ , 
when discovered. Besides, that parliament, and thi 
nation too, when they expressed so much joy at the 
breach with Spain, flattered themselves that, by pre" J 
venting tlie marriage with the Infanta, they had pre* ' 
vented all the dangers which they apprehended from J 
that marriage; whereas it appeared soon afierward^ ' 
that they stood exposed to the very same dangers by ] 
the marriage concluded with France; nay, to greater) « 
since the education of the children by the mother, that 
is, in popery, had been confined to ten years by the i 
former treaty, and was extended to thirteen by the 

* ClarendOD, vol. I. p, fiS. 


\5G TIJE LIFE OF ^^^^^^M 

was afterwards attempted, though peace 

latter. In short, it cannot be denied, and my lord 
Clarendon owns, that as the insolence of Bucking- 
ham caused ilic war witli Spain, so his lust and his 
vanity alone threw the nation into another with 
France. Spain was courted first without reason, and 
affronted afterwards without provocation. Ships were 
lent lo the king of France against his protcstant sub- 
jects; and the persecution of his protestnnt suOjects 
was made the pretence of a rupture with him. Thus 
was the nation led from one extravagant project to 
another, at an immence charge, with great diminution 
of honour, and infinite loss to trade, hy the ignorance, 
private interest, and passion of one man. The con- 
duct therefore of the parliament, who attacked this 
man, was perfectly consistent with the conduct of 
that parliament who had so much applauded him ; and 
one cannot observe without astonishment, the slip 
made by the noble historian we have just quoted, 
when he affirms, that the same men who had ap- 
plauded him, attacked him, without imputing the least 
crime to him, that was not as much known when they 
applauded him, as when they attacked him. ISow it 
is plain, that many of the crimes imputed to him^j 
in the reign of king Charles, when he was attackedjT 
could not be known; and that many olliers hi 
been even committed in the reign of ^uig Jameid 
when he was, upon one single occasiotf, a^lauded*.* 
This scctns a sufficient reply to lord Ciarendoa. 

Mr, Hume indeed seems of Clarendou's mind: ho-m 
calls the two subsidies, amounting to 112,000/. rather^ 
a cruel mockery of CbarJes, than any serious design 
of supporting him; and he attributes this usap 
only to envy and hatred agaiust Buckingham; the 

• Craftsman, vol. VII. p. 3B9. Wmo. LonJ, 1731, 




Was not proclaimed till the middle of tlie 
year 1631. Nor was this prince more for- 
tunate ih the war '" which, by the instiga- 

nation's being unused to the burthens of taxes; Hie 
disgusts of the puritans against the court, " both by 
reason of the principles of civil liberty, easemial to 
their party, and on account of the restraint untlev 
wiiich they were held by the established hierarchy; 
and the match with France:" I say, he attributes thia 
behaviour of the parliamenE not only to these causes, 
bdt likewise to the design the principal men among 
the commons " had to seize the opportunity, which 
the king's necessities offered them, to reduce the pre- 
rogative within more reasonable bounds'," But thi». 
is refining too much. The parliament saw the wat 
was directed by wrong hands ; they saw English ships 
lent to the French king, in order to destroy the pro- 
teslants of his kingdom; and consequently they had 
little hopes that the Palatinate (the chief reason of the 
war) would l>e recovered by the counsels of those, 
who were so unconcerned about the protestant cause. 
Add to this, that the parliament were out of humour 
at being adjourned to Oxford, " when the pestilence, 
had overspread the land, so that no man that travelled " 
knew whereto lodge in safety; and therefore might 
reasonably be supposed to have voted out of discon- 
tent and displeasure, as Williams thought they 
would "." These considerations, with (hose mcntionedlj 
by lord Bolingbroke, abundantly account for the , 
behaviour of Charles's parliament, and are a juetifica- „ 
tion of it. 

^^ Nor was this prince mare forttowje in the war,,^ 
gtc] In the note 9 I have shewn itw real causes of . 

. 6vo. Cambriilge, nuo, 


tion of Buckingham, he made against 
France, at the same time that the Spanish 
breach was unclosed. Every one knows 

this war, even tbe lust and revenge of Buckingham : 
but this was carefully to be concealed from the world, 
and Charles was made to believe that he had received 
injuries from France, and that his honour and interest 
required him to revenge them. 

Buckingham therefore prevailed on him to declare 
war against the French king, and, for the reasons of it, 
to allege the influence of the house of Austria on the 
councils of France, manifested in count Mansfield's 
being denied landing with his army there, in the con- 
clusion of his father's reign; the injuries and oppres- 
sions of the protestants of France, though they had 
strictly adhered to the edict of peace concluded by his 
mediation; and the injustice of his most christian ma- 
jesty, in seizing upon one hundred and twenty Ejiglish 
ships in time of full peace. These were the pretences 
on which war against France was made, when Charles 
was unable to prosecute that he was engaged in against 
Spain. However, a good fleet was equipped out, an 
army put on board, and Bucktngliam, who was ignorant 
of military affairs, constituted admiral of the fleet, and 
commander in chief of the land-forces'. On the 7th 
of June, 1627, he sailed from Portsmouth; and having 
in vain attempted to get entrance into Kochelle, direct- 
ed his course to the isle of Rhee, where he landed his 
forces, and might easily have made himself master of 
the fort de la Pr^e, and those wlio defended it. But 
he was dilatory ; Thoiras, the French commander, waa 
active, and kept him so well employed, that time was 
given to the French court to raise forces, under the 
command of connt Schombcrg; who landed in the 

■ See RoEhworth, vol, 1. p. 424, 425. 


the shainefiil descent at the isle of Rhee, 
and its unhappy issue : nor can any be to- 

island without aoy fnolestation from the English fleet, 
marched towards Buckiughanij who was besieging St. 
Martin's, caused him with precipitation lo raise the 
siege, and forced him to reimbark with great toss of 
men and honour. " The duke of SuckiDghaoi lost in 
this expedition about fifty officers, near two thousand 
common soldiers, five and thirty prisoners of note, and 
forty-four colours, which were carried to Paris, and 
hung up as trophies in the cathedral there. And thus 
ended this expedition, with great dishonour to the 
English, and equal glory lo the French ; but in parti- 
cular to monsieur Thoiras, who, for having so bravely, 
with a handful of men, defended a small fort (for no 
other is it, though our Journals and accounts dignify it 
with the titie of a citadel) against a numerous fleet and 
army, was not long after advanced to the high dignity 
of a mareschal of France"." — In a letter from Denzill 
Holies, Esq, afterwards lord Holies, to Sir Thomas 
Wentworth, well known by the title of lord Sta&rde,' 
dated Dorchester, Nov. 19, 1627, we have the follow- 
ing account of this unhappy expedition. , 

— " God hath blessed us better than we deserve, or, 
by our preparations, than we could expect, or else we 
had been in a far worse condition than now we are, 
though we be sufficiently bad ; for it was a thousand 
to one we had lost all our ships, to close up this unfor- 
tunate action, if a fair wind had not so opportunely 
come to have brought them off; for they had but tea 
days victuals left, which failing, they must have sub- 
mitted themselves to the enemies meicy, who besides 
were preparing with long-boats to have come and fired 
them, which was marvellous feasible, if they had staid , 

* Buichet'a Naval History, p. 377. 


tally ignorant of the poor figure our fleets 

made, when sent to the, relief of Rochelle ; 

never so little longer. For the particulars of their most 
slmmef'ul deroute upon iheir retreat, wtiicli is, or will 
be, in every body's inoutli, 1 doubt not but you kt)ow 
jis well or better than myaelf. For the action in gene- 
ral, one of themselves, who, for his understanding and 
sincerity, I may term also a prophet of their own, has 
given me this censuvc of it; that it was ill begun, 
woree ordered in every particular, and the success ac- 
cordingly most lamentable: nothing but disconlenls 
between the general and the most understanding of his 
soldiers, as Burroughs, Courtney, Spry; every thing 
done against the hair, and attempted without probabi- 
lity of success, and there was no hopes of masierinj; 
the place from the very beginning, especially since 
Michaelmas, that a very great supply came at once into 
the fort, and that since they relieved it at their plea- 
sure; yet for all this the dnke would slay, and would 
not slay, doing things by halves; for had he done 
either, and gone through with it, possibly it could not 
have been so ill as it is : for he removed his ordnance 
and shipped it almost a month afore he raised his 
siege; yet still kept his army there, fit neither for of- 
fence nor defence ; and at the last, the Saturday before 
the unfortunate Monday he came away, would needs 
give a general assault, where many good men were 
lost, when there was no ordnance to protect them go- 
ing on or coming off. Et quulis vita, Jiiiis ila, as ihey 
behaved themselves while they were there, so did they 
at their coming away; lor though they knew two thou- 
sand French landed that morning in ihe island, and 
that there was at least thi'ee thousand in the two forts, 
the great one and the little one, (of which, by the way, 
we never heard ; but they thought it pot fit we should 

which in spite of their efforts was taken, 
and the power of the protestants in that 

know all, perhaps because they knew secrecy an essen- 
tial part of war-policy) so as they could not but expect 
to be a little troubled with them in their marching, yet 
made they no provision to secure themselves : for being 
to pass by a narrow causey, (where more than six or 
eight could not go in Iront, and which a very small _ 
number might Lave made good against a million) and 
so by a bridge over a little passage into an island, as it 
were, where once being, they would be safe, there was 
no order taken for viewing and preparing the way; 
that when they came to it, there was no passage over, so 
as their stay there gave a great deal of time and oppor- 
tonity to the enemy, who all the while followed them 
at their heeis so close, that my lord duke himself, who, 
1 know not by what misfortune, was Jn the rear, had 
like lo have been snapped, if" he had not presently 
made way through the troops then upon the narrow 
causey. And had he, the general, miscarried, what 
might have become, think you, of the whole army, like 
a body without a head, or a flock without a shepherd i' 
But he carefully got himself on ship-board that night, 
to prevent the worst, and to lake order for boats for 
the shipping of the army ; but so the French falling on 
upon the rear, killed and took prisoner as they would 
themselves, helped by our own horse, who, to save 
themselves (which yet they could not do), broke in, 
and rid over our men, and put all into disorder, which 
made way for the slaughter; but, it seems, no resist- 
ance at ail was made, but that they even disbanded, and 
shifted every one tor hnnsetf ; for sure there was no 
word of command given lo make them face about for 
the repulsing of the enemy; for then it must needs 
have gone from hand to hand through the whole, 
troops : and a serjeanl major, that was in the van, hgs 




kingdom thereby greatly weakened. After 
[ yhich Charles soon soUcited a peace, which 

protested unto me, they did not so much as know that 
any thing had been done, till afterward a pretty while; 
and it had been the easiest thing in the world, in that 
QijTow place, to have beaten back the enemy, had 
t|My been never so many, or at least to have defended 
themselves. But the disorder and coDl'usion was so 
' 'great, A^. truth is, no man can tell what was done, 
nor no account can be given how any man was lost, 
not the lieutenant-colonel how his colonel, or lieute- 
nant how his cap^%ra„or anj one_jiian .knows how 
another, was lost, which js a sign tTiat things were very 
ill carried. This only every man knows, that since 
England was England, it received not so dishonourable 
a blow. Four colonels lost, thirty-two colours in the 
enemy's possession (but more lost), God knows how 
many men slain ; they say not above two thousand of 
our side, and, I think, not one of the enemy's"." This 
was, indeed, miserable success ! But what better could 
he expected from a man of Buckingham's turn of 
mind ? What better from a man ignorant in arts and 
arms, and who was too haughty to follow the advice of 
those who were well versed in affairs, and capable of 
conducting them to advantage? But the defeat of 
Buckingham was not the worst consequence of this 
war; for Rochelle, which at first was unwilling to ad- 
mit the duke of Buckingham, being persuaded by Rf>- 
han and Sonbize, the protestant chiefs, declared for the 
English; and, in consequence thereofj endured a siege 
(in which it underwent hardships unparalleled in '" mo- 
dern story, except those of Isfahan in the year 1722) 
which terminated in the ruin of its rights, privileges, 

■ Straffinde's Letten and Dispatchf9, vol. I. p. 41. S«e aim Bofaan's 
UtiQoin, p. 14S— tse. ■ Sea Cabala, p. S73. 


he procured by abandoning those whom he 
had drawn into the war, and submitting to 

and power, and wholly subjected the protestanta to the 
will of the French court; for the succours sent them 
from England were useless and unprofitable. — " Our 
fleet and troops being gone, the French king closely 
blocked up the Rochellers, who yet had some depend- 
ence upon the duke of Buckingham; for he promised . 
them to return to their assistance: and thoHglTE? dia~"~^C 
not go in person, a fleet of about fifty sail were fitted 
out, under tiic command of the earj^f Denbigh, who 
set sail therewith- Ijfija^Elyin^wth the 17th of April, 
16S8, and came to an atichor'in the road of Hochelle 
the 1st of May. Before the harbour's mouth he found 
twenty of the French king's ships, to which he was su- 
perior in strength, and sent word into the town, that he 
would sink them as soon as the winds and tide would 
permit; but being on the 8ih of May favoured both by' 
one and the other, and the Rochellers expecting he 
would do what he had promised, he, without attempt- 
ing it, returned to Plymouth the 26tb, which caused nO' 
small murmurings and jealousies in England. A third 
fleet was prepared for the relief of Rochelle, to be 
commanded by the duke himself, the town being then 
reduced to the last extremities; but he being, on the' 
23d of August, stabbed at Portsmouth, b}' one Felton, 
a discontented officer, the earl of Lindsey was appoint- 
ed to command it, and set sail the 8th of September. 
The ships were but ill supplied with stores and provi- 
sions; and coming before Rochelle, they found no 
French navy to oppose them, but a very strong barri- 
cado across the entry of the port, to force which many 
brave attempts were made, but in vain; so that the 
Rochellers being thus distressed, and in despair, im- 
plored the French king's mercy, and suiTendered on the 
18th of October; soon afterwhich a peace ensued be- 
M 2 





the terms which Richlieu, in the name o^ 

his master, denianded. After such ill con- 

tween the two crowns, and the proteslants were glad to 
submit to any terms, with the bare toleration of their 
religion''." Wliat a poof figure did the English make 
in this war! How much fallen was she from her old 
glory! The king drew in the French protestanta to the 
war; he solicited and eneonraged tliem to seize the 
opportunity for the restoration to their rights and pri- 
vileges, which then offered itself; he " declared lie 
would hazard all his kingdoms, and his own person 
loo, in so just a war, to which he found himself obliged 
both by conscience and honour, and that he would not 
listen to any ti'eaty but jointly with them"." " But," 
says the nohle author, (who bore so great a part in this 
war) " the assistance the town of Rochelle had from 
England, served only to consume their provisions, and 
draw a famine on the city"." And in another place he 
observes, that peace with England being made, the 
French ting turned his whole force against the prO- 
tcstants^; so that, to prevent their destruction, he 
[Rohan] was forced to accept of a disadvantageous 
peace. For it is most certain, that Charles deserted 
the protestants in the war in whicb he had engaged 
them, and obtained a peace for hitnself, which redound- 
ed no ways to his honour. Let us hear a writer emi- 
nent in the republic of letters. " King Charles," says 
he, " after a great deal of trouble and vast expences, 
was obliged to make application to the French, by the 
Venetians, to obtain a disadvantageous peace, which 
drew upon him the contempt of strangers as well as of 
his own subijects. He had endeavoured to accommo- 

■ Burebel's Naval History, p. 378. Hialory of the EJict of PJanlz, ml. 
IT. p. *43. 410. Lond. 169-1. " Rohsii's Djscoursi: upon tlic Ttoublet 

in Franco, at the end of hia Memoin. ' MemoirB, p, 22i ' Diacourett 
•n tbi Troubles of France, p. iX 


CHARI.ES I. 165 

duct and disgrace, ^e may well imagine 
the power of Cliarles was not much dreaded 
"by his neighbours. ITiis he soon found : 

date matters witli Lewis XUl. whilst lit- was before 
Rocheilc, by mcdiatioa of the ambassadors of tlie king 
of Denmaik and the Stales General of the iJnited Pro- 
vinces: but answer was given to their anibassadora, 
that if they had power from the king of England to ask 
a peace for him, and to offer such satisfactions as he 
ought to make to France to obtain it, a negotiatioo 
should be entered into with tbem, but no otherwise. 
So brisk an answer plainly shewed, that Charles was 
but Utile feared, and that he must be farced in the end 
to come to what Prance demanded. He promised, by 
the treaty, to confirm the articles of the contract of th« 
queen's marriage, ivhicb he bad so many times broken 
pnd accepted with so much meanness, and which, if 
there was any thing to be altered for the service of the 
queen, was to be done w^th the consent of botb crowns. 
The treaty was signed the 24tb of April, l629, by . 
Ludovico Contarini, and Zorzo Zorzi, the ambasgadoOt 
of Venice, who were empowei'ed from England '."-rw 
" Thus, "says the baron Puffendorf, " ended a war against 
two kings [of France and Spain] whose joint forces 
Charles was not able to cope with; by which he gained 
Dothing but disreputation, and the .dissatisfaction and 
resentment of his people, and an incredible sum of 
debts into the bargain ^" In short, his majesty c 
with so little reputation out of this war with Vvanatfi 
that bis minister sent tliere (to carry his ratitieaLi.oo o " 
the peace, and to receive the oaili of the French I 
to the observance of it) was derided to his face, as v 
learn from the following passage in one of Hoff^'s'leb 

■ life of Kichlieu. vot I. p. 312, Bvo. Ij)im3. ICP.i, ' IiUrOiliicdo^ 

to the Iltjttny, p. 143, Std. Loud. 1 WG. 



for the neutrality of his ports was violated 
both by the Spaniards and Dutch"; his 
subjects insulted and wronged bj' them, and 

ters; — " Mr. controler Sir Thomas Edmonds is lately 
returned from France, having renewed the peace which 
was made up to hia bands before by the Venetian am- 
bassadors, who had much laboured in it, and had con- 
cluded all things beyond the Alps, when the kini^ of 
France was at Susa to relieve Casal. The monsieur 
that waa to fetch him from St. Denis to Paris, put a 
kind of jeering compliment upon him,\iz. That his ex- 
cellency should not think it strange, that he had so few 
French gentlemen to attend in this sei'vice to accom- 
pany himi to the court, in regard there were so many 
killed in the isle of Hhee. The marquis of Chasteau- 
Eeuf is here from France, and it was an odd speech also 
from him, reflecting upon Mr. controler, ' That the 
king of Great Britain used to send for his ambassadors 
from abroad to pluck capons at home'." These jests 
must have cut to the quick, had Charles been a man of 
•visibility. But it appears not that he was touched 
with them, or had any resentment of them. 

^' The neutrality of his ports was violated both by 
the Spaniards and Dutch.] " Tho' enemies may be 
attacked or slain on our own ground, or our enemies on 
the sea, yet it is not lawful to assault, kill, or spoil him 
in a haven or peaceable port; but that proceeds not 
from their persons, but from his right," says Molloy, 
"who hath empire there; for civil societies have pro- 
vided, that no force be used in their countries against 
men, but that of law, and where that is open, the right 
cf hurting ceaselh. The Carthaginian fleet was at 
anchor in Syphax's port, who at that time was at peace 
with the Romans and Carthaginians; Scipio unawares- 
• Hond'a LeLlere, p. 910, 



also by the French : nor did he ever receive 

fell into the same haven: the Carthaginian fleet being 
the stronger, might easily have destroyed the Romans; 
but yet they durst not fight them. The like did the 
Venetian, who hindered the Greeks from assaulting the 
Turkish fleet, who rid at anchor in a haven then under 
the government of the republick : so when the Vene- 
tian and Turkish fleet met at Tunis, though that veiy 
port acknowledges the Ottoman emperor, yet in regard 
that they are in the nature of a free port to themselves, 
and those that come there, they would provide for the 
peace ofthc same, and interdicted any hostile attempt to 
be made there. But they of Hambroough were not so 
kind to the EngUsh, when the Duteh fleet [in the first 
Dutch war in the time of Charles II.] fell into their 
road, where rid at the same time some English mer- 
chantmen; whom they assaulted, took, burnt, an(J 
ipoiled ; for which action, and not preserving the peace 
6f their port, they were, by the law of nations, adjudged 
to answer the damage; and, I think, have paid most 
or all of it since'." And, indeed, nothing is more 
reasonable than for sovereigns to afford protection to 
the subjects of those princes that are in amity with - 
them ; it being absolutely necessary to the encourage- 
ment of commerce, and the security of such of their 
own people who are in foreign parts. None but go- 
vernments weak in power or understanding, fall of 
doing it. — However, it is certain, Charles did not, or 
could not, maintain the neutrality of his ports, but 
suffered the subjects of friendly powers to be attacked 
and taken in them, — Lord Strafforde, in a letter to Mri 
seeretary Coke, dated Dublin, Aug. 3, 1633, has the 
following passage. " I received a letter from captain 
I'lumleigh, which certified, that the 29th of the last 

Mottvijis Jure Haritirao, e- 1, sect 10. 


satisfaction for the aflront put ou liiin by 

month, a man of war and a shallop, which alledge them- 
selves lo be of St. Sebastian's in Biscay, had taken a 
Hollander, lying securely at an anchor in Black Rode 
in the mouth of this river, by sorprisal in the night; 
and having boarded her, and cut her caGles in tlic half, 
haled her away into the sea, the king's ship being all 
the while within a league, yet perceiving nothing till 
a Bristol man, which lay close to Ihc Hollander, and 
fearing like measure, slipped his cable and anchor, and 
so run off to the king's ship, and gave captain Plum- 
Icigh to understand thus much. Whereupon the cap- 
tain commanded lo weigh, and setting sail after them, 
very fortunately light upon the pirates about St. Da- 
Mid's-head, and recovered ihe ship, from them again 

L'ljie last of July, bulk not broken, and thirteen of the 
aiirates on board her, and had not the man of war put 

ttfirom him upon the shoals, he had taken him too ; but 
Kw>t daring to adventure the king's ship for want of 
water, he escaped. Howbeit, we have the Hollauder 
here again in harbour, and those fourteen taken on 
board her in this castle, two of them are Irish, the rest 
are Spaniards, I am of opinion, it will prove they 
have letters of mart from the king of Spain'." — And in 
another letter lo the same person, dated the 2Sth of 
August, we have the following passages. — " The Dutch 
trading hither [to Dublin] are so discouraged, by rea- 
son of the continual depredations of these Biscayners, as 
they are ready to leave thekingdom, beginning already 

.,|9 call in their monies and goods, and forbear to trade 
.with US; which, considering we have here no ships of 
iiur own built, nor yet any of the natives that give 
tbemselves to trade abroad, would infinitely impoverish 
this state, and wholly overthrow his majesty's customs. 

■ Stiaffurda's Letters and Dispatches, vol I- p. 109. 


liic Dutch atlmiral, in destroying the fleet 

— I thought lartlier I'easonabie to advertise you, that ( 
hear there is.attothcr of the Bisc.-tyuers tliiit lies in the 
liver of Limerick, and there took a Dutch ship in har- 
bour, forcing those merchants to ransom their men by 
payment of 200/. How they dealt with two others in 
the harbour, of Caricfergus, the letters inclosed of my 
lords ClaneJDoy and Chichester will shew you. There 
are others of lliein on Waterford side, and so they be- 
girt us round. I must also assure you, there are three 
sqnadjrons of these pilferers belonging to St. Sebastian's, 
whereof one squadron is always in action, another re- 
turning, and another is fitting again to sea; and thus 
have they put themselves in a set and continued pos- 
ture of robbing and spoyling. These particulars admit 
no excuse, but that the Hollanders this summer did the 
like to them in England, taking them from under the 
king's castle, for which as yet they have had no satis- 
faction, as indeed 1 confess ii were moat meet they 
shouldV — And his lordship afterwards speaks of " a 
barbarous slaughter of six of our men upon ihe isle of 
Man, by one of the Spanish captains"." — In a lettei; ' 
from Robert earl of Leicester to Mr. secretary Cok^- ' 
dated Paris, 23 Oct. [2d Novemb.] 1636, we have the'^ 
following account of the behaviour of the Dunkirkers. 
"The seas are now dangerous, by reason of the Dua- 
kirkers ; and the other day Battiere, my secretary (who 
hath lately been with your honor), in bis returns be- 
tween Bye and Deepe, being in the English passage- 
boat with my lord Dacres, and some other gentlemen, 
they were met by the Dunkirkers, whoCnotwithstand- 
ing they were English, and provided with good pass- 
ports) used violence against them, and robbed them, 
taking away from Battiere, in particular, amongst other 

■Stnflbrde'sLeltaniia'lDiapatGbrs, vdI. r. p. [06. * Id. p. Mi. 


-i»f Spain in his harbour, contrary to his 

r Uiings, divers letters directed unto me, and about 50/. 
Ffa Spanish pistoles, which he said was money com- 
j ttiitttd to hia care for George Hearne, one of his ma- 
I jesty's servants, who was in the same boat, and rifled 
\ bIso ; and if the sight of a Holland man of war had not 
l-jiiade ihem go away, they had used them worse. The 

larticular declaration, which Battiere and the rest made 
fttt Deepe, with the master of the boate, before the 
T fifetennnt of the admiraltye, I will send, God wilhng, 
t the nest week unto your honor, that some order may be 
t taken for the safetie of the passage; for if he had had 
kSie king's packets, it is likely they would have runne 
llhe same hazard, which are injuries not easily to be 
■"ifendured '." — Nor was this all. England now was in a 
[ low state, and as such was ill-treated by her neighbours 
P .Around her. For the French bore hard on the mer- 
I Jljbants of this kingdom, as well as the Spaniards and 
1 ]}Qtch. "It is most true," says lord Leicester, then 
f limbassador in France, in a letter to Mr. secretary 
[ toke, dated fff September, 1636, "that the French 

nmmit frequent and unsufferable insolencies upon the 

Tnglisb, and protect them with injustices as great. 
lajcstie's ministers may sollicite, and many times 
fevaile ; but yet the merchant will be a loser, even in 

lie restitution, and that will make them so afraid, that 
Pljfertainly the trade must needs suffer exceedingly, espe- 
I ^$ally if the French persist in this dealing; which is 
[ 4fttle better than treachery, to take the English ships 
1 that are laden, in their own portes of France : there- 
\ fore, Sir, 1 could advise, whensoever any English ship 
' IB taken by the French, and the owners have sufficiently 
proved in our admiralty, or the place where it may 
I iathentically be done, that the said ship was unjustly 

' Sidney's Stale Papers, vol. II. p. 435. 



express command. The particulars of this 
affair, as they are not commonly known, I 
will give in the note ''. 

taken, and that, upon remonstrance of the same unto 
this state, justice be delayed, that then his majesij' will 
be pleased to give his officers, which command at sea, 
orders to take the French where they can find them, or 
give leave lo his Enghsh subjects, to saiisfie themselves 
bj reprizal; and when that is done, let us conipiayne 
and redresse on both sides, which, I beleevo, wilJ both 
procure satisfaction speedily, dcterre those compag- 
nions from Euch free exercise of their pyratical trade, 
and force those that are in authority here, to take bet- 
ter order than hitherto hath bin. This is, and hath 
ever bin my opinion ; for 1 could never find, that, by 
treating and pleading, any good can be done upon 
those who have neither conscience or justice^," This 
was bravely spoken; but the dictates of wisdom and 
fortitude were unheeded, at least unpractised, under 
the reign of this prince, who permitted himself grossly 
to he abused by the nations around him, as we shall 
see more at large in some following notes. In the 
mean while, one cannot but observe the national cha- 
racter of the French so strongly marked in this letter 
of lord Leicester. It paints them lo the life, and shews 
them as in our age we have seen them. May we j 
wJiys be on the guard against those who have neither 
conscience or justice, and with whom no good is to be 
done by treating or pleading. 

" The particulars of this affair, as they are not com- 
monly known, &c.] " In l639," says Mr. Burchet, 
" the Spaniards fitted out a considerable fleet under 
the command of Antonio de Otjuendo, supposed to 

■ Sidney'i State Papers, vol. U. p. 421. 


In short, the reputation of the English 
nation, as Mr. Burchet observes, had suf- 
fered so much by the miscarriages in the 

be to dislodge the Dutch sbip^ from before Dunkirk, 
and land the troops there for the relief of Flanders^ and 
the rest of the Spanish provinces. — The Dutch having 
two or three squadrons at sea, the Spanish fleet, com-* 
ing up the Channel, wai? met near the streights.of 
Dover by one of them, consisting pf seventeen sail, 
under the command of Herbert Van Tromp;^ who, nof- 
withstanding the enemy's great superiority, ventured 
to attack them ; but finding himself too yy^^ got to 
'windward, sailing along towards Dunkirk, and conti- 
iiually firing guns as a signal to the Putch vipe-admiral, 
who lay off that plac^, to conje to his assistance ; who 
accordingly joined him tlje next naorning between 
Dover and Calais, where engaging the Spaniards a very 
sharp fight ensued between them, which lasted several 
hours, \yherein the Dutch bad greatly the advantage ; 
and haying taken one galleqn, suQk another, and much 
shattered the rest, at length forced them upon the Eng- 
lish coast near Dpver. This done, Tromp, being in 
want of powder and ball, stood away for Calais, to 
'borrow some of the governour of that place 5 who pre-* 
sently supplying him with what he deqiaqded^ he re- 
turned again tq Dover; upon whose appi:<}^h the Spa-, 
niards got within the Sputh-Fprelan(|^ and put them- 
selves undier the pro!;ecl:ipn pf the neig^boi|fing castles. 
The two fleets continuing in this posture for many days 
observing each other, the mini^te^s of both nations 
\vere not less employed in watching each other's mor 
tions at Whitehall, and encountering one another with 
memorials. The Spanish resident importuned the 
king, that he would keep the Hollanders in subjection 
two tides, that so in the interim, the others mijarht 



beginning of tlie reigii of Chailca, that pi- 
have ihe opportunity of making away for Spain: but 
the king being iu auiiiy with ihem both, was resolvedi 
to stand nenier; and whereas the Spaniards had hired 
gome Engiisli ships to transport their soldiers lo Dun- 
kirk, upon complaint made ihereof by the Dtiteh ambas- 
sador, strict orders were given that no ships or vessels 
belonging to his majesty's subjects should take any 
Spaniards oa board, or pass below Gravesend, without 
licence : however, after great plotting and counterpiot- 
tiog on both sides, the Spaniard at length somewhat 
outwitted bis enemy, and found means, by a stratagem, 
in the night, to convey away through the Downs, 
round by the North-sand-head and the back of the ■ 
Goodwin, twelve large ships to Dunkirk, and in them' 
tout thousand men; in excuse of which gross negtectr 
oftlie Dutch admirais, in leaving that avenue from the 
Downs unguarded, the Dutch accounts say they were 
assured by the English, that no ships of any considera- 
ble hurden could venture by niglit to sail that way. 
The two fleets had now continued in their station near 
three weeks, when king Charles sent the earl of Arun- 
del to the admiral of Spain, to desire him lo retreat 
upon the first fair wind; but by this time the Dutch 
fleet was, by continnai reinforcements from Zealand 
aed Holland, increased to a hundred sail, and seeming 
disposed lo attack their enemies, Sir John Pennington, 
admiral of his majesty's fleet, who Isy in the Downs 
with fourand thirty men of war, acquainted the DutcK. 
admiral, that he bad received orders to act in defence 
of either of the two parties who should be first attack- 
ed. The Spaniards, however, growing too presump- 
tuous on the protection they enjoyed, a day or two 
after fired some shot at Van Tromp's barge, when he 
was himself in her, and killed a man with a cannon-ball 
ea board one of the Dutch ships, whose dead body 


ratxjs of all the neighbouring nations tooK 

wag presently seut on board Sir John Pennington, as a 
proof that the Spaniards were the first aggressors, 
and had violated the neutrality of ihe king of England's 
harbour. Soon after which the Dutch adtniraj came to 
a resolution of attacking the Spaniards ; but before he 
put it in execution, he thought fit lo write to admiral 
Pennington, teiling him, that the Spaniards having, in 
the instances before mentioned, intiinged the liberties 
of the king's harbour, and become the aggressors, be 
found himself obliged to retaliate force with force, and 
attack them; in which, pursuant to the declaration 
be bad made to him, he not only hoped for, but de- 
pended on his assistance ; which, however, if he should 
not he pleased to grant, he prayed the favour that he 
would at least give him leave to engage the enemy, 
otherwise he should have just cause of complaint to all 
the world of so manifest an injury. This letter being 
delivered to tbe English admiral, Van Tromp bore up 
to the Spaniards in six divisions, and charged them so 
furiously with bis broadsides, and his fircships, as forced 
them all to cut their cables; and being three and fifty 
in number, twenty-three ran asliore, and stranded in the 
Downs, whereof three were burnt, two sunk, and two 
perished on the shore; one of which was a great gal- 
leon (the vice-admiral of Galicia), commanded by An- 
tonio de Castro, and mounted with fifty-two brass 
guns : the remainder of the twenty-three stranded, and 
deserted by the Spaniards, were manned by the Eng- 
lish, to save them from the Dutch. The other thirty 
Spanish ships, with Don Antonio de Oquendo, the 
commander in chief, and Lopez, admiral of Portugal, 
got out to sea, and kept in good order, till a thick fog 
arising, the Dutch took advantage thereof, interposed 
between the admirals and their fleet, and fought tbem 
aliantly till the fog cleared up, when the admiral of 


the liberty to infest the narrow seas ; yea; 

Portugal began to flame, being fired by two Dutch 
ships fitted for that purpose, which De Oquendo per- 
ceiving, presently stood away for Dunkirk, with the 
admiral ofthal place, and some few ships more; for of i 
these thirty, five were sunk in the fight, eleven taken 
and sent into Holland, three perished upon the coast 
of France, one near Dover, and only ten escaped. I 
have been the more particular in the account of this 
engagement, because of the relation it hath to our own 
affairs, and have reported it in all its circumstances 
(the most material of which have been omitted, even in 
that said to be Sir John Pennington's own account of 
it), for that otherwise the English government would 
appear to have departed from the common rights of all 
nations, in suffering one friend to destroy another with- 
in its chambers, and not animadverting upon the Dutch 
for that proceeding, did it not appear that the Spani- 
ards committed the first hostility, which was the plea 
the others made in their justification: for though, by 
the law of nations, I am not to attack my enemy in 
the dominions of a friend common to that enemy and 
myself, yet no laws, natural, divine, or human, forbid 
me to repel force with force, and act in my defence^ 
when or wheresoever I am attacked. But, however, it 
must be confessed the Dutch well knew their time; 
and had the like circumstances happened twelve oc 
fourteen years after, when the usurper ruled, they^ 
would probably have waited for further hostilities from 
their enemy (one or two random shot only being liable 
to exception, and to be excjised as accidental), before 
they had ventured upon such an action'." — But whe-^ 
iher the Spaniards had committed the first hostility or 

' Butchel'i NjysI HMott, p. 279—391. See also WbUlock'B Slemo- 



the ships and coasts of these islands were 

no, the Dutch Jidniiral would certainly have atlaclied 
them, as appears from the following passages in a tet- 
ter from count D'Estrades to cardinal Richlieu, dated 
Aug. S6, 1639. '■ The prince [of Orange] desired that 
J should write to you, that the orders you had sent to 
the sea-ports of France to assist the fleet of the states, 
had (letcrniined him to fight the Spanish fieet in the 
Downs, whither he had certain advice they would re- 
pair, and give orders to admiral Tronip not to engage 
n; but to detach a squadron, in order to harass 
such as he found separate from the main body of the 
fleet, and to follow them close until they should gel 
into the Downs, and then to draw up his fleet in aline 
of battle in the entry to the Downs, there to wait till 
such time the admiral of Zealand, John Evressens, 
should join him; after which he should send a flag- 
otficer to the admiral of England, to acquaint him, that 
he had orders from the States to tight their enemy 
wherever he should find them, and to desire him to 
withdraw the king of England's ships, as he had orders 
from the States not to engage with them, unless they 
should join themselves to the enemy; but in case ihey 
■would not remain neuter, his orders were to fight both 
one and the other." His orders we see were well 
executed, and an action performed (in the opinion of 
D'Fstrades) " the most illustrious which could be 
thought of, that of defeating the fleet of Spain in an 
English port, though assisted by Enghsh ships'." 

It will he proper to compare this with what follows, 
contained in a letter from Algernon earl of Northum- 
berland, to Robert earl of Leicester, dated Windsor, 
Oct, 10, l(iii9- " His majestie's designs are a little to 
be wondered at, that he should endanger the receiving 


ind Negoti 

s, p. 29. 8vi>.Lond. ITiS. 



exposed to the rapine and barbarity of the ' 

an affront, and expose his ships to much haEaxd, rather ^ ( 
thao cummauad both the Spanish and Holland fleets 'i 
out of the Downs. He sayeth now, that at his return i 
to London on Saturday next, he will appoint a time for ■ 
them to depart out of hisroade, which is all the Hoi- "j < 
landers desire. They have at this instant above doe \ ] 
hundred sail of men of warre, besids fyre-ships: this 
great force of theirs, makes them begin to talk more 
boldly than hitherto they have donne; for their admi- ' 
ral hath lately sent Pennington word, that they have ■' 
alreadie had patience enough, and that they will no J ^ 
longer forbear, for hia instructions are to deatfoy his 
enemies wheresoever he can find them, without excep- \ 
tions of any place; and it is howerly expected that . 
they should assault the Dons. What will become of J J 
our six ships that are there, I know not; for their di- * J 
reclion is to assist those that are assaulted. The other 'f 1 
ships that were made ready on this occasion, have layu ,> J 
windbound in the river these ten days, and cannot yet > j 
possiblie get out, by reason of the easterly winds that\ 
have blowne constantly near three weeks. The Spa- 
niards pretended, that the want of powder was a prin-- 
cipal cause of their long stay : whereupon the Holland, y 
admiral sent to oifer them 500 barrels, paying for it tlie» 
Usual rates; but the Spaniards would not accept of » 
it'." — In a letter written to the same, Nov. 28, l6sg,] 
from London, he says, " On Sunday last Arssens [the i 
Dutch ambassador] had a private audience from the- 
king. It was expected that he should have made a 
appoUogie to have given his majestie satisfaction for,» 
the late violation o^ed by them in the Downs; but E/,1 
do not hear that he mentioned that pfirticiilar ''." And^l 
in a third letter, wrillen by him to lord Leicester, from. 4 J 

* Sidoey'i State Pupni, vol. II. p. 612. ° U 


Turks, who carried niiinbcrs into capti- 

London, Dec. 19, 16.'!!), lie snys, " Tlie oxpresse sen! 
from hence to Spaine with llie newsfe of the dcfeate of 
their fleete, rettimed to this court some days since ; 
and upon Sunday last the dispalchcs brought by him 
frsm Srr Arthi» Hopton, were communicated lo the 
foreign committee. Those ielieis say, lliat ihis mes- 
senger brought to Madrid the first newsc of that ovq»^ 
throw, which much troubled them ; but the conde of 
Olivares told onr ambassador, that if our king woul^ 
be sensible of the affront done unto him, in this actioi/, 
by (hose base people, the fcing of Spain wouhl vest wtll 
»atislicd,and not at »li regard thelosse of those ship*; 
for the next year they intended to have five times as 
many in these seas as were in that lleete. Arssen* 
hath, since my last writing to your lofdshipj excused, 
with the best reasons he could Iwing, the carriage ot' 

their admiral in the DownsV It ifi, 1 think, phuu, 

from comparing these relations, that the behaviour oi^ 
ilic Dutch in this affair arose chiefly from the consi- 
deration of ihe w cakness of Charles. The English court 
considered it as an insidt; they expected an apology 
for it; and the Dutch ambassador made the best ex- 
cuse fae was able, which, probably, was but a very poor 
one. A spirited prince would have bad a satisfaction 
as public as the injury ilseif, and thereby have shewn 
the world that he was worthy of the aovtreignty of 
iliose seas which he claimed, .May it never again be 
the fate of the British nation to be thus treated; but 
may it always assert its rights, and avenge itself on 
those who shall presume to set its power at defiance! 
Wise and honest counsels, public economy, vigorons 
measures, and a regard to the subjects' liberty, will en- 
able a British king lo render himself respectable to his 

•Sidney's Stale rapcrs, vol. It. p. 6'25. 


fellow sovereigns, and effeclually hinder 
treating hiui with contempt, either by v 


vity. " — So feeble was the government, , 

them froiR 
is or actions,' 
Heaven grant i^uch a prince may be the lot of tbi£ 
isiund at all times! 

" The ships of these islands were exposed to the ra- , 
pine and barbarity of ibe Turks, &,c.] I will cOD^ri: 
this by authorities most unexceptionable, LordWenfejij 
worth, appointed lord-deputy of Ireland, in a letter to 
the lord- treasurer, dated Weatminsi^r, 9th June, 1633, 
writes as follows: " They write me lamentable new» 
forth of Ireland, what spoil is done there by the pirates. , 
There is one lyes upon the Welch coast, which it 
seems is the greatest vessel, commanded by Norman j 
another in a vessel of some sixty tons, called the Pick- 
pocket of Dover, lies in sight of Dublin : and anothec' "1 
lies near Yonghall, who do so infest every quwrter, a»- J 
the farmers have already lo^t in their customs a thou-c 
GQud pounds at least: all trade being by this means at . 
a stand. The pirate that lies before Dublin, took, on 
the 20th of the last month, a bark of Liverpool, will* J 
goods worth 4000A and amongst them as much linneo^l 
as cost me 500/. and in good faith, I fear 1 have losft j 
my apparel too ; which if it be so, will be as much loss j 
more unto me : besides the inconvenience which liglitsj 
upoQ me, by being disappomtcd of my provisions upoiiJ 
the place. By my faith, this Is but a cold welconif^l 
they bring me witiiall to that coast, and yet I am glad 
at least that they escaped my plate; but the fear I had 
to be thought to linger here unprofitably, forced me to. 
make this venture ; where now I wish I had bad a litlle 
more care of my goods, as well as of my person. The 
same villain set upon a Dutchman the !!)th of the sam<^ 3 
month, and boarded her ; but they defended themselv^ 
so well, as having blown up lour of bis men, the pirate ^ 
gave them over: but in revenge be light of aqotliRr 

l*. - • ■ «H«Viim'»- ■;, ^-^ .■ . . ' 


or so careless of the welfare of the people ! 

Hollander^ on the one and twentieth day, and pursued 
her so near^ as enforced them to run on ground^ to save 
themselves within sight of Dublin. The pirate, for all 
that gave them not over; but in despight of all the 
help the lords justices could give them from land (by 
sending men to beat him off the shore), entered and 
rifled the bark, taking out what they pleased, setting 

. her op fire, so as there she burnt two days together, 
till it came to the water, and was then all in a flame, 
when my cousin lladclifle writ me that letter, to be 

. seen forth of his majesty's castle. She was. about two 

. hundred tun in content. The loss and misery of thia 
is not so great, as the scorn that such a picking villain 
as this, should dare to do these insolences in the face of 
that state, and to pass away without controul : yet I 
beseech your lordship, give me leave to tell you once 

. for all, that if there be not a more timely and constant 
course held hereafter in setting forth the ships for guard-* 
ing the coast there^ by the admiralty here, the money 
.paid for that purpose thence^ is absolutely cast away ; 

t the farmers of the customs will be directly undone, 
and the whole kingdom grow beggarly and barbarous, 
for want of trade and commerce ^.'' And in another of 

. his letters to Mr. secretaj-y Coke, dated 3d June, 1653, 
we have the following passage. *' Here inclosed I have 

; sent you two letters^ by which you will find, what a 
disquiet is given to the trades and commerce of that 
kingdom, through the daily robbing and spoil the py-<^ 
rates do upon the subjects in those parts, so as it were 
madness .in me to think of crossing the sea, without 
captain Plumleigh to carry me and my company over 
in safety. The pyrate hath already light of two hun- 
dred pounds of my goods ; but I should be sorry indeed 

* Straffixrde'i letters and Dispatches^ toI. I. p. 90. 





Howevci-, ill justice to the niemory of 

his majesty's deputy were endan{;;ered llirougli my un- 
timely haste, and, which is uiore, my masier's honour 
suffer thereby over ;ill Christendom, in which relation I 
hold myself more bound to look to myself, that I nei- 
ther suffer nor do any mean thing, tiiim in any otiier re- 
spect whatsoever, lo my own private. Captain J'lum- 
Jeigh is now at length got forth of the river, uhicb, I 
am sure, I have by ail means sollicited the dispatch of, 
and have at length been forced to lay forth seven liun- 
di'ed pounds of my own money to set him forward, so 
far I am from studying unae*;es9ary delays; and now, 
God willing, so soon as ever I shall have notice that 
the king's ship is ready to carry me over, I will not stay 
a minute of time in this place; but to stir before were 
of no use at all, saving to put an unnecessary charge 
upon his majesty by my bills of trau spur tat ion '." How ., 
low in these times was the British marine ! bow little 
regarded its power! But to gn on. — The lords justices 
of Ireland, ia a letter to the lord-deputy, dated Dublin, 
Teb. 26, (631, acquaints him, "That they had lately, 
by their letters humbly represented to the lords of h'»^ 
majesty's most honourable privy-council, certain intal- ■ 
ligences which they bad received of attempts intended 
by the Turks the next summer, against the westera 
coa^s of Munstei. Since which dispatch, say they, wc 
have received further advcrtizements which confirm ub 
in a belief that they do indeed intend some attempt 
against us. And although the place of their descent 
here is yet uncertain, yet we find reason to conceive 
xhat Baltimore (a weak English corporation on the sear 
coast, in the west part of that provence, whence the 
Turks took the lust summer above a hundred English 
inhabitants) is not the most unlikely place tbey may 

■ StraSorde'n Li:(ten and OlspaUbe!', tdI. L p. SI. 

■**Wlfy.\... ."Jf.-**- '/;*: -y 



this prince, the reader ought to be informed, 

attempt'." — ^And the lord-deputy Wentworth, in a 
letter to Laud, archbishop of Canterbury, dated Gaw- 
thorpy Aug. 17, 1636, writes as follows : " The pillage 
the Turks have done upon the coast is most insuffera- 
ble, and to have our subjects thus ravished from us, and 
at after to be from Rochelle driven a\'^er land in diains 
to Marseilles, all this under the sun, is the most infam- 
ous usage of a Christian king, by him suffered that 
wears Most Christian in his title, that I think was ever 
heard of. Surely I am of opinion, if this be past over 
in silence, the shipping business will not only be much 
backened by it, but tlie sovereignty of the narrow seas 
become an empty title, and all our trade in fine utterly 

In a letter to Mr. secretary Coke, dated Wentworth, 
Sept. 16, I6S6, he has these words also: "The Turks 
still annoy that coast [the Irish}. They came of late 
into the harbour of Corke, took a boat which had eight 
fishermen in her, and gave chace to two more, which 
saved themselves amongst the rocks, the townsmen 
looking on the whilst, without means to help them. 
This is an oppression to make a wise man mad indeed, 
that these miscreants should at 6ur doors do us this 
open dishonour, and will require both a speedy and 
thorough remedy, such as may carry our safety along 
with it for the future it being most certain, tliat visibly 
already, there will be at the least seven or eight thou- 
sand pounds loss in those customs this half year ; and 
if this should continue but one year more, would pre- 
judice the trade of both kingdoms, more tban I fear 
could be repaired in many years again, with extream 
prejudice to the crown, more than is yet foreseen*." 

Strafibrde's Letters and Diflpatches, toL I. p. 68. ^ Id. toI. II. p. S5.. 

' Id. fol. II. p. 34. 

■■- CHARLES L 183 

that once he asserted the right of the crowiv 
ft' Endaiul to the tloiiiiniou of the British « 

Sir Philip Warwick also observes, " that the Algior 
pir^its iat'esaett our seas, even in our own chunnel*. 
They even made snoh captures, thnt, according to Mr, 
Waller, they " bad in the year lb4\, betweeu four aailtf 
five thousand of our conntrj-inen captives in that coun- 
try ^" No wonder ihea the house of commons ap- 
pointed " a committee to receive, and to tate into cna- 
sideration, the petitions thai iyre or Sihall be preferred 
lon the behalf of the piisoners ant! captives of Algiers, 
Tunis, or elsewhere, under the Turks dominions, aud 
to present the st^te oi' thein lo the hotise, and some ' 
speedy way for fheir redress." lliis was on the lOtJi 
,of Decemb. 1(540. "On May e4th, lfi4I, upop M^. 
Jving's report from the committee for the captives of 
Algiers, it was resolved, tha.t his majesty be moved to 
send some tit person, at the charge of the merchants 
to the Grand Seignior, to demand the English captiv" 
in Algiers, and other the Turks dominions ; and iliat 
some convenient time after such person's departure oiitS 
.of England, a fleet of twenty ships and pinances b^a 
sent to Algiers, to assail the town and their ships, if t^4i 
captives be not delivered upon demand'." A resola- 
tion this, worthy of the repi'esc^italivcs of a brave and 
free people ? But throng4i the hurry of the times, and ' 
the calamities of the civil war which ensued, it came lo 
nothing, and the Turks continued their depredations:- 
for " in July l64d, twenty-six children were taken at ' 
once by the Turks from off* the coasts of Cornwall''," 
So little was the security for properly and liberty, un- 
Aer the reign of this monarch. 

' Monoira, p. Sn. '' Waller's Tocms, &.c. by Tin 

^nd. inao, ' Ei)sliwortli.>^)l. IV.p. m, '^Tfi. 

yiodicatioa of K. ClmrlcF, p. 1 10. 

'Jtvi-ui'v -.r^-.- 


seas, by compelling the Dutch to buy thfe 
liberty of fishing in them '* : and also that 

** He asserted the right of the crown of England to 
the dominion of the British seas, by compelling the 
Dutch to buy the liberty of fishing in them.] " The 
Dutch, upon pretence of some arguments for the 
freedom of navigation, and community of the sea, 
which the learned Hugo Grotius, their countryman, 
had made use of in a treatise, stiled Mare Liberum, 
began to diallenge a right to the fishery on our coasts, 
which, by the connivance of our princes, they had 
been tolerated in the use of. 1 o refute those argu- 
ments of theirs, and defend that claim of ours, the 
famous Mr. Selden was employed by the king to write 
his excellent Mare Clausum, wherein he having with 
great industry, learning, and judgment, asserted the 
right of the crown of England to the dominion of the 
British seas, the king paid such honour to the per- 
formance, that shortly after the publication, he made 
an order in council, that one of those books should be 
kept in the council-chest, another in the court of ex- 
chequer, and a third in the court of admiralty, as a 
fiuthful and strong evidence to the dominion of the 
British sea. But more eflFectually to assert the same, 
a fleet of sixty stout ships of war was, the same year 
[1636], fitted out under the command of Algernon 
fsarl of Northumberland, now made lord high admiral, 
who sailing to the northward, where the Dutch I^ses 
were fishing on our coasts, required them to desist ; 
which they not readily doing, be fired at thein, took 
^nd burnt some, and dispersed thie rest; whereupon 
^e Dutch soUicited the admiral to mediate with the 
king, that they might have leave to go on with their 
fishing this summer, for which they would pay to his 
majesty thirty thod||aD4 pounds; and tl^ey accordinfflv 


he" refiiscd to promise a neutrality with 

did sOy and signified their inclination to have a grant 
from the king to do the like for the future, upon pay- 
ing a yearly tribute*.**— Sir Philip Warwick also 
writes, " that the earl of Northumberland was, in the 
year 1636, sent out to sea with a navy of about sixty 
ships, to interrupt the Holland fishing on our coast 
and on the north seas : he took many of their busses, 
and dispersed others; which brought the States general 
to make such an application to the king, as might in 
the future obtain his licence and permission, which the 
king conceived a vindication of his right and do- 
minion. Yet though some particular busses paid for 
their licences, the terms of agreement were like nails 
well driven, but not well clincht; so £is our neigh- 
bours were not fast held, and it made them more 
susceptible of obstinate counsels from France, who 
were at that time undermining our peac^ by Scot« 
land \" — ^The English court, indeed, imagined that the 
French encouraged the Dutch in their fishing on 
our coasts, and by its ambassador complained thereof 
at Paris. The French denied what they were charged 
with, and declared, '' that if any thing should happen, 
which might cause difference between the king pf 
Great Britain and the Hollanders, they would intcrt 
pose, and do the best they could to bring the Holr 
landers to perform all such acts unto the l^ing as 
might express their respect and honor unto his person^ 
and gratitude to his crown, for the obligations they 
had received, even as great as their conservation 
amounted to*.** But these were only words. The 
Dutch, though disturbed in their fishing, and obliged 
to pay a sum of money to the king, for his permission 

■ Barchet'* NayjBil History, p. 319. * Memoin, p. 118. « Sidney's 
State Papers, p. 400. 

•n.vNui'v .■ 1^- •■ 


To these instances of Charles's regard to 
the honour and interest of the British crown, 

that your eminence had cammanded me to assure him, 
you would contribute all in your power to maintain a 
Mrict Union and friendship between him and the king, 
and even to persuade his majesty to lend him succours 
against any of his subjects that should have bad in- 
tentions aGcainsc him. His answer was, he would 
do all that was in his power, to testify how much he 
desired the king*s friendship^ provided that what he 
asked was of no prejudice to his honour, and the 
interest of his kingdom ; which last would be the case, 
if he should permit either the king or the states of 
Holland to attack the searport towiw of Flanders: 
and to prevent this, he would have his fleet in readi- 
ness in the Downs, in condition to act, with fifteen 
thousand men ready to be transported into Flanders, 
for the defence of the said towns, if necessary : that he 
thanked your eminence for your offers and civilities; 
but he wanted no assistance to punish such of his 
■subjects as should fail in their duty, that being suffici- 
ently secured by his own authority, and the laws of 
the kingdom*.'* 

This answer was worthy of a British monarch, 
though it so much provoked the cardinal, that his 
eminence threatened the year should not end, before 
both the king and queen of England should repent 
their having refused the proposals d'Estrades made on 
the king's part^. And certain it is, this minister was 
near as good as his word ; for he did what in him lay 
to heighten the uneasiness of Charles's subjects in 
Scotland, and excite them to avenge themselves for 
the inroads made on their laws, liberties, and religion, 

* Ixittcrs and Ne^tiations of Count dTstrades, p. 7. and d'Orlcau's 
History of the Revolutions of En8;1and« ^ Id. p. Z. 

CHARLES r. 19» 

1 M'ill ulbo ;id(l an account of the chastise-- 

by tbe arbitrary and superatitioiis coiiimanda of those 
in power; and iiUo conUibiUcd greatly to the atfront, 
put on bini by the Dutch, in tbe eyes of the whole ■ 
world, when ihey violated ihe neulraliiy of his ports, 
and ileatrOyed the Spanisli fleet which had lakco 
saiictiiiiry there. But had Charles meanly submitted to 
tlie demands of Richlleii, matters, I am persuaded, 
would not have been much mended. The Scotch 
troubles would have happe^ned without the aid of 
Trance, and tlie Dutch would not have been restrained 
by tbe French niiuistci' from acting iis they did: 
being of tbe utmost consequence to tlicm, to break ^ 
the naval force of Spain, and deprive Flanders of the . 
supplies which her fleet contained. The imagination, « 
therefore, of a late writer was too much heated, when ^ 
lie observes, " tbat Cliarles lost both lus crown and 4 
life by refusing to accept of a neutrality, so contrary r 
to the trade and interest of his kingdom, and the 
diguity of his crowu';" and "that from bence was 
conjured up those black scenes of honor, blood, 
anarchy, and confusion, that ensued in these king-^^ 
doms ; the catastrophe of which ended in the destruc- 
tion of ihe king, of the church, and of the whole con- 
stitution." For a little knowledge of the English ^^ 
history will suffice to demonstrate that these had their , 
rise from far other causes than the refusal of this neu- 
trality. However, it cannot be denied, but that it 
was greatly to Charles's honour to answer as he didj, 
and shewed a seuse of the interest of tbe nation. The 'i 
seaports of Flanders, on account of their situation, are ' 
of the utmost importance to England. To have suffer- - 
L-d tbese quietly to have been possessedby Holland and < 
France, in the then state of things, would have been 

leTranilitioiiaFd'Ejtridn' UiIp 

, fcc, p. ^ 

•ivf-ui'v .• -«-. ■ 


ment he gave to the tovrti of Salle '^ in 

the exposing the subjects of these kiDgdoms to the 
insults of their commanders at sea, and giving them 
an opportunity of depriving them of the most valuable 
branches of commerce, or rendering its effects very 
precarious. Add to this, that those who are possessed 
of these places, if masters of a sufficient naval force, 
have it in their power to alarm us constantly by de- 
scents and invasions: and therefore it must be the 
interest of England to take care that they fall not into 
the hands of those who are our inveterate enemies. 

^^ I will add an account of the chastisement he gave 
to the town of Salle.] Among Mr. Waller's poemsj^ 
there is one on the taking of Salle, in which are the, 
following lines : 

Salle, that scorn'd all powers and laws of men. 
Goods with their owners hurrying to their den i 
And future ages threat'uing with a rude 
And savage race, successively renewed : 
Their king despising with rebellious pride. 
And foes profest to all the world beside t 
This pest of mankind gives our hero fame. 
And thro' th' obliged world dilates his name. 
The prophet once to cruel Agag said, 
As thy fierce sword has mothers childless made. 
So shall the sword make thine: and with that word 
He hew'd the man in pieces with his sword. 
Just Charles like measure has retum'd to these, 
Whose pagan hands had stained the troubled seas : 
With ships, they made the spoiled merchant mourn ; 
With ships, their city and themselves are torn. 
One squadron of our winged castles sent, 
O'erthrew their fort, and all their navy rent: 
for not content the dangers to increase. 
And act the part of tempests in the seas ; 
Like hungry wolves, those pirates from oar shore 
Whole flocks of sheep and ravish'd cattle bore. 
Safely they might on other nations prey ; 
Fools to provoke the sovereign of the sea 1 


■ WWfci ■ ■•■■fc«,t ■ ■ -■.■■■■*. 



conjunction with the king bf Morocco; 

Morocco^s monarch, woDd'ring at this Cact, 
Save that his presence his afiairs exact, 
Had come in person to have seen and known 
The iijurM world's revenger, and his own. 
Hither he sends the chief among his peers. 
Who in his hark proportioned presents hears. 
To the renowned for piety and force. 
Poor captives manumk'd, and matchless horse. 

Mr. Fenton, in his observations on Mr. Walleifft 
poems^ explains these lines in the following manner : 
" Salle is a city in the province of Fez, and derives its 
name from the river Sala:, on which it is situated, near 
its influx into the Atlantic ocean. It was a place of 
good commerce, till addicting itself entirely to piracy, 
and revolting from its allegiance to the emperor of 
Morocco, in the year 1632, he sent an embassy to 
king Charles, desiring him to send a squadron of men 
of war to lie before the town, whilst he attacked it by 
land : which the king consenting to, the city was soon 
reduced, the fortifications demolished, and the l^cirs 
of the rebellion put to death. The year following the 
emperor sent another embassador, with a present of 
fine Barbary horses, and three hundred Christian slav^: 
at the same time desiring his majesty, dujt ^ipce it 
had pleased God to be so auspicious to their beginnipg, 
in the conquest of Salle, they might join and succeecl, 
with hope of like success, in war against Tunis, 
Algiers, and other places, dens and receptacles for the 
inhuman villauies of those that abhor rule and govern* 
ment *.^' Where Mr. Fenton had this account I can- 
not say, he too often neglecting to inform his readers 
in what authors the facts he relates are to be found. 

But be that as it will, it is certain the date given by 
him is Wrong; for it was not in 1632, but 1636^ that 

* FentoD's ObMnatioiis, p. 19. 



whereby he obtained the liberty of a great 

it was determined to send a squadron against Salle, 
and ill 1637 it was besieged and taken. — Mr. becre- 
tary Coke, in a letter to the lord-deputy Strafforde, 
dated Whitehall, 20th of February, l63fi, writes, 
" Ihis day captain Rainsborough, an experienced 
and worthy seaman, taUeth his leave of his majesty, 
and goeih instantly to sea with four good ships and 
two jMnnaces to the coast of Barbary, with instrnctiona 
and resolution to take all Turkish pyrates he can 
meet, and to hlock up the port of Sally, and to free 
the sea from these rovers, which he is confident to 
perform. The king of Morocco hath already offered 
to compty with his majesty for auppressioD of these 
enemies of mankind; and the Basha and governors of 
Argier have also written to his majesty, to desire 
gootl correspondence with him and his subjects, and 
to have an English consul there to see the agreement 
performed ; so there remaineth only Sally, which we 
|HesBme this summer will be bro't to better terms'." 
What the event was will be seen from the following 
extracts, whlcii, I doubt not, will he agreeable to the 
read«r, !is they contain some facts hardly known to 
our common historians. — The reverend Mr. Garrard, 
in a letter to lord StraiForde, dated Hatfield, July 24, 
J637, informs him, " That from the fleet my lord 
Northumberland writes htm, that captain Rains- 
borough hath made hitherto a very successful voyage 
to Sallee; neither our English coasts, nor your Irish, 
have this year been infested with those Turkish Moorish 
vermine, who other years have done much hurt ; he 
keeps tbeoi in, that they cannot stir out at sea : besides, 
the Saint there by land besieges them with ten thou- 
■aad horse and six thousand foot; so that they con- 

* StraObide's Letten and Dispatcbea, vol. II. p. SO. 

chahles t. 

number of his subjects, who had been taken 

ce!ve a great hope to get all the Engliah and Irisb 
captives ill their hands, and to bar them hereafter For 
venturing in ottrseaa. My lord-general hath obtained 
longer leave of his majesty for captain Rainsboroiigb 
to stay out until the end of November, and is now 
sending a ship and one pinnace to victual him tor two 
months longer'." In a letter of the 9th of October 
the same year, this gentleman thns writes to the sam6' 
lord Strafforde. " Tiie fleet sent to Sallee by his 
majesty, under the conclocl of captain Rainshorough, 
ca[)tain Cartwright, and others, consisting of four 
ships and two pinnaces, hath had good success. So 
that neither oar English, nor your Irish coasts, shall 
be troubled any more with them. The Sallee men 
this year had ships in readiness to come forth of good 
ntimber, intending their voyage for England and Ire- 
land, were ready to set sail when our fleet came 
before the town, but they kept them in. The Saint 
wtio'lives upon the land, seeing captain Rainsborough 
besiege them by sea, doth the like hy land. The 
Moors presently sold away a thousand of their cap- 
tives, our king's subjects, to those of Tunis and Argiers, 
The Saint and captain ttatnbborough treat and agree 
to do their best to take the new town : he goes ashore, 
teaches them to mount their cannon, and how to use 
them; the new town thus beset, remove the irgovernor, 
turn him' out of town, because of the fierce displeasure 
of the Saint against him. He goes to the king of 
Morocco, makes his complaint against the Saint, (wlio 
ig indeed but a rebel; tor all those places of right 
belong to that king) aailh, he will, by the help of the 
English fleet, gain the new town. Upon this adver- 
tiBetn^nt the king of Morocco gathers an army, is 

• Strsflbrde'i tetters and Dispat«hc>, to!. It. p. 8S. 
O 2 

■ 196 



into captivity ; and by a solemn embassy 

upon his march, which the Saint hearing, hums up 
all the corn within ten miles of Sallee, and spoils the 
country; yet sends him, upon his nearer approach, 
some necessaries for himself, great herds of cows, and 
flocks of sheep, which was a great relief to his anny, 
who, with their long marches, were weak and feeble; 
hut advises his majesty not to come nearer, lest some 
differences should arise betwixt their two armies, 
which would not easily be accommodated, should 
they meet: he stays, many of the soldiers fall sick 
and dye, many run away, so that he is resolved to 
retire, sending the governor with some others, and an 
English merchant, to treat with the town to deliver it 
up to hiin, and not to the Saint. They come aboard 
captain Raiusborough, confer with hlui, then return 
again into the town. The king oifers to join in a 
league with our king, promises that never hereafter 
any of our coasU shall be infested by their ships, 
delivers two hundred and ninety of our captives to 
Rainsborough, (which captain Cartwright hath already 
brought homej saith, that the thousand sold away to 
those of Argiers and Tunis shall be redeemed and 
delivered back; for which purpose captain Rains- 
borough is gone to Saphy, forty leagues from Sallee, 
to treat for them, and, I believe, by this is on his. 
way home. They have, since their coming thither, 
sunk in the harbour, burnt, and battered to pieces, 
twenty-eight of their ships before the new town, which 
surely will by the Moors be delivered up to the king of 
Morocco and not to the Saint. How we came off from 
farther treating with the Saint, I know not; neither 
the letters nor captain Cartwright give any satisfaction 
therein'." Towards the conclusion of this letter Mr. 

' EtralTarde's Letters and Diipatcbci^, i<A. II. p. 1 15. 



received the thanks of that prince, and 
assurances of liis favour and friendship. 

Tims much witli respect to Charles's be- 
haviour towards the nations around him. 
Let us now view him at home. On the 2d 

Garrard adds, " Captain Rainsborough is newly come 
into the Downs, hath put the new town of Saliee into 
the king of Morocco's hands, hath made a peace with 
that king; so that none of his majestie's coasts shall 
any more hereafter be troubled by those pyratical 
subjects of that king: he hath brought with him an 
ambassador from the king of Morocco, to renew 
antient amities betwixt the two crowns, who hath 
brought with him presents of Barbary horses and 
hawks to his majesty. I saw the list of the captivei- 
370, many of them Irish'." 

This ambassador, on the 5 th of November, 1637, had 
his audience at court. " He rid on horseback," says 
Mr. Garrard, " through the streets, my lord of Shrews- 
bury conducting him with twelve gentlemen of the 
privy-chamber, his own company, and some cilj^' 
captains. His present of four Barbary horses was led 
along in rich caparisons, and richer saddles, with 
bridles set with stones ; also some hawks, many of the 
captives whom he brought over going along a-foot, 
clad in white. He himself is a Portugal born, brought 
a child into Barbary, an eunuch, and the third person, 
of that kingdom. He is come to renew the old league 
and amities that hath been betwixt the two crowns, 
and to render thanks to hia majesty, as the chief instru- 
ment of restoring Salle to his obedience, by sending 
his fleet thither, which, as long as his master holds i^ 

* StrR&i»de's Lettcni and D!ipatohe«, vol, II. p, 1 



day of February, 1625, O. S. he V(as crown- 
ed by Abbot arcbbishop ol' Canterbury, 
Laud bishop of St. P^vid's assisting. The 
coronation" oath being supposed dift'ercnt 
from that used to be administered to our 

flhall never again infest any of our king's subjecla V 
Thus ended this affair, which leflects some honour on 
the memory of Charlts, and shews him uot wholly un- 
miadful of bis own honour, or the wrongs he had re- 
ceived. Though from the smalluess of the squadron 
sent on the expedition, we may probably eonciudt, that 
had not the circumstance of intestine commotions and 
domestic quarrels intervened, it would have returned 
witliout honour or success, 13 u I, fortunately for Charles, 
by means of the Saint and t|ie king of Morocco, bis 
fleet was of use, and lie had the satisfaction of being 
praised by his subjects, and thanked by the prince 
whom he bad assisted- 

" The i;oronaiion-oath being supposed different from 
that used by our former kings, occasioned many cen- 
sures both of this prince ajid Laud.] Let us bear Hey- 
lin- " The king's coronation now draws on, for which 
solemnity be bad appointed the feast of (he purificatiou 
of the Blessed Virgin, better known by the name of 
Candlemas-day. The coronations of king Edward VI. 
flnd queen Elizabeth, had been performed according to 
the rites and ceremonies of the Itoman pontiiicals ; that 
at the coronation of king James had been drawn up in 
haste, and wanted many things which might have been 
considered of in a time of leisure. His majesty there- 
fore issueib a commission to the archbishop of Canter- 
bury, and certain other bishops, whereof Laud was one. 


■ Sttafforde's Letters and Dispalcbes, rol, II. p. I2!>, 


Icings, occasioned many censures both of 

to consuJer of the form and order of the coronation, 
and to accommodate the same more punclaally to the 
present rules and orders of the church of England. Oa 
the 4th of January, the commissioners first met to cort- 
Bult about it ; and having compared the form observetf 
in the coronation of king James with the public rituala^ 
it was agreed npon amongst them to make some altera- 
tions in it, and additions to it. The alteration in it 
was, that the unction was to be peiformed in forma. 
cntcis, after the manner of a cross, which was accord- ' 
ingly done by Abbot, when he officiated as ai'chbishop 
of Canterbury in the coronation. The additions in the 
form consisted chiefly in one prayer or request to him> 
in the behalf of the clergy, and the clanse of anothrt 
prayer for him to Almighty God ; the last of whiclS | 
was thought to have ascribed too much power to ihS 
king, the first to themselves, especially by advancing ot 
the bishops and clergy above the laity. The prayer or 
request which was made to him, followed after the unc- 
tion, and was this, viz. 

' Stand and hold fast from henceforth the place td 
which you have been heir by ihe succession of your 
forefathers, being now delivered to you by the autho- 
rity of Ahnighty God, and by the liands of us and all 
the bishops, and servants of God ; and as yon see the 
clergy to coine nearer to the altar than others, so re- 
member that in place convenient yon give them greater 
honor; that the mediator of God and man may < 
blish yon in the kingly throne, to be the mediator be^ 
tween t 

filh Jes 

; clergy i 

aity ; 

t yon may reign I 

, the king of kings, and lord of 

lords, who with the Father and Holy Ghost liveth and 

gneili for 


ever. Amen, 
clause of that prayer which was made for bin 



this prince and Laud : these will be found 

had been intennicted since the time of Henry VI. and 
was this that followeth, viz. 

' Lei him obwin favour for the people, like Aaron in 
the tabernacle, Elisha in the waters, Zacbarias in the 
temple: give him Peter's key of discipline, and Paul's 

" Which clause had been omitted in times of-popery, 
as intimating more ecclesiastical jurisdiction to be 
given Co our kings, than the popes allowed of; and for 
the same reason, was now quarrelled at by the puritan 

" It was objected commonly in the time of hi& 
[Laud's] fail, that in digesting the form of the coronar- 
tion, he altered the coronation-oath, making it more 
advantageous to the king, and less beneficial to the 
people, than it had been formerly ; from wh ich calumny 
bis majesty cleared both himself and the bishop, when 
they were both involved by common speech in the 
guilt thereof. For the clearer manifestation of which 
truth, I will first set down the oath itself, as it was 
taken by the king ; and then the king's defence for the 
taking of it. iNow the oath is this. 

" The form of the coronation-oath. 

' Sir, (says the archbishop) will you grant, keep, an^ 
by your oath confirm to your people of England, the 
laws and customs to ihem granted by the kings of Eng- 
land, your lawful and religious predecessors; and 
namely, the laws, customs, and franchises granted to 
the clergy, by the glorious king St. Edward your prerj 
riecessor, according to the laws of God, the true pro- 
fession of the gospel established in this kingdom, and 
agreeable to the |>rerogative of the kings thereof, and 
the antient customs of this land^ 
" The king answers, ' Igrant and promise to keep them.' 



at large in the note, though, notwithsiand- 
iiig all that has been said, they were, per- 

" Archbishop. ' Sir, will you keep peace and godly ■ 
agreement entirely (according to your power), both to 
God, the holy church, the clergy, and the people I' 

" Rex. ' I will Iteepit.' 

" Archbishop. ' Sir, will you to your power caasa 
justice, law, and discretion in mercy and truth, to be 
executed in all your judgments? ' 

"Rex. ' I will.' 

" Archbishop. ' Sir, will yoii grant to hold, and grant 
to keep the laws and rightful cu3toms which the com- 
monalty ol" this your kingdom have? And will yoo 
defend and uphold them to the honour of God, so 
much as in you liethf' 

" Rex. ' I grant and promise so to do.' 

" Then one of the bishops reads this admonition to. 
the king before the people mth a ioiid voice. ' Our 
lord and king, we beseech you to pardon, and to grant, 
and to preserve unto us, and the churches committed 
to our charge, all canonical privileges, and due lavf 
and justice; and that you would protect and defend us, 
as every good king in his kingdom ought to be a pro- 
tector and defender of the bishops, and the churched 
under their government,' 

" The king answereth, ' With a willing and devout 
heart I promise and grant ray pardon, and that I will 
preserve and maintain to you and the churches com- , 
mitted to your charge, all canonical privileges, and due 
law and justice ; and that I will be your protector and 
defender to my power by the assistance of God, as 
every good king ought in his kingdom, in right to 
protect and defend the bishops and churches under 
their government.' 

" The king ariseth, and is led to the commuDioo- 


liaps, not so criminal in this matter, as they 

have been represented. 


table, where he makes a solemn oath, in sight of all the 
people, to observe the premises, and laying his hand 
upon the book, saith, 

' The things which I have before promised, I sUail 
perform and keep, so help nie God, and the contents 
of this book." 

" Such was the coronation-oath accusiomably tabea 
by the kings of England : which notwithstanding, it 
was objected by tlie lords and commons, in the time of 
the long parliament, aot to have been the same which 
ought to have been taken by him. And for proof 
thereof, an antiquated oath was found, and publislied 
in a remonstrance of (heir's, bearing date the 20tb of 
May, 1642. To which his majesty made this answer. 
That the oath which he took at his coronation was 
warranted, and enjoyned by the customs of his prede- 
cessors; and that the ceremony of their and his taking 
of it, they might find in the records of the exche- 
quer'." — The oath which Heylin refers to, and which 
in the remonstrance of the lords and commons, dated 
26th of May, 1642, is said, " ia or ought to be taken 
by the kings of this realm at their coronation," here 
follows : 

" Rot. Parlam. H. 4. n. 17. 

" Forma Juramcnti soliti Sc consueti, praestaii per 
regea Angliaj in eorum coronatione. 

" Servabis ecctesi^e Dei cleroq; 8c populo pacem ex 
integro, & concordiam in Deo secundum vires tuas. 

" Kespondebit, Servabo. 

" Facies fieri in omnibus judiciis tuia acquam St rec- 

tam justiciam 8t discretionem in misericordia Si veri- 

tate, secundum vires tuas ? 

' Heylin'i Life of Laud, p. UI — IWj ani BuihBtnlh, »(.!. I. p. aOa 




But however this be, Charles soon shewed 

" Kespondebit, Faciam. 

" Coiiceiiis justaa leges St conauetudines esse teneo- 
daa, 8c proinittls per te eaa esse prolegenHas & ad hi>- 
norem Dei corroborandas, quaa vulgus elegerit, secun- 
dum vires tuas ? 

" Uespondebit, Concede 8c promitto. 
" ji^djicianturq; praedictis interrugationibus qiicB 
justa fuerlnt, pnenunciatisq; omnibus coDfirmet rex se 
omnia servaturum Sacramento anper aliare prfestito 
coram cuiictis'." 

This oatii being printed as the antient coronationr 
oalh by the parliament, and great stress laid upon thft 
words in the king's oatb, referring unto such laws at 
the people shall chuse {qua* valgus ekgerii], tiis majesty 
replied, " We are not enough acquainted with records^ 
to know wbetlier that be fully and ingenuously citec^ - 
and when, and how, and why the several clauses hav* 
been inserted, or taken out of the oaths formerly ^^ 
ministred to the kings of this realm; yet we ccUinot 
possibly imagine the assertion that declaration makei^ 
can be deduced from the words, or the matter of that 
oath; for unless they [the parliament] have a power 
of declaring Latin, as well as law, sure elegerit signi- 
fieth hath chosen, as well as will chuse, and that it sig- 
nifieth so here, besides the authority of the perpetual 
practice of all succeeding ages, (a better interpreter 
than their votes) is evident by the reference it hath to 
customs; consuetudinex tjitas tu/gus i^legerit: and could 
that be a custom which the people should chuse after 
this oath taken ? And should a king be sworn to de- 
fend such customs?" 

Then follows the oath taken by Charles, as Heyiin 

' Rushworth, v6L IV. p. 5B0. 



the world that he thought himself unre- 

above relates it, which undoubtedlj is different from 
the antient one mentioned by the parliament. 

This alteration of the coronation-oath is attributed 
to Charles by Milton, and imputed to him as a high 
crime. " Aliud erat criiiien regis quod ex jurejurando 
it regibus regnum capesseotibus dari solito verba quse- 
dam ejus jussu erasa fueriot, aiitcquam jurasset. O 
facinus indlgiiura & execrandura! impinm qui fecit, 
quid dicam qui defendit? nam quse potuit, per Beura 
imtnortalem, qua; perfidia^ aut juris violatio esse ma- 
jor? quid illi sanctius post sacratissima rcligionis mys- 
teria illo jurejurando esse debuit ? Quis queeso scele- 
ratior, isne qui in legem peccat, an qui secum legem 
ipsam ut peccare facial dat operam f aut denique ipsam 
legem tollit ne peccassc videatur? Agedum, jus hoc 
religiosissim^ jurandum rex iste violavit? sed ne pa- 
l^m lameii violS,sse videretur, turpissimo quodam adul- 
lerio per dolum corrupit: & ne pcjerasse diceretur, 
jus ipsum jurandum in peijurium vertit. Quid aliud 
potuit sperari, nisi injustiasimfc, versutissimfe, atque in- 
felicissim^ regnaturum esse eum, qui ab injuria tarn 
detestandaauspicatus regnum est; jusque illud primum 
adulterare auderel, quod solum impedtmenlo sibi fore, 
ne jura omnia perverteret, putabat. — Hanc clausulam 
' quas vulgus elegerit,' Carolus, antequam coronam 
acciperet, ex formula juramenti regii eradendum cura- 
vit*." i. e. " Another of his crimes was, the causing 
some words to be struck out of the usual coronation- 
oath, before he himself would take it. Unworthy and 
abominable action! The act was wicked in itself; 
what shall be said of him that undertakes to justify it > 
For by the eternal God, what greater breach of faith, 

' Milton's PrOBe Works, vol. II. p. 361- 

strained by the laws: for he paid little atten- 
tion to them, and scrupled not on every oc- 

aad violation of all laws, caa possibly be imagined? 
What oughL to be more sacred to him, next to the 
lioly sacraments themselves, than that oath f Which of 
the two do you think the most flagitious person, him 
that offends against the law, or him that endeavours to 
make the law equally guilty with himself? Or rather 
him who subverts the law itaelf, that he may not seem 
to offend against it! For thus, that king violated that 
oath which he ought most religiously to have sworn to ; 
but that he might not seem openly and publicly to 
violate it, he craftily adulterated and corrnpted it; 
and lest he himself should be accounted perjured, he 
turned the very oath iuto a perjury. What other 
could be expected, than that his reign would be full of ' 
injustice, craft, and misfortune, who began it with so 
detestable an injury to his people? and who durst per- 
vert and adulterate that law which he thought the only 
obstacle that stood in his way, and hindered him from 
perverting all the rest of the laws, — ^This clause (quai 
vulgus elegeril) which the commons shall chuse, Charles, , 
before he was crowned, procured to be rased out," — ■ 
But though Charles is thus heavily charged by Milton, 
Laud has been chieSy blamed, in this affair, by some 
other writers, as will appear by what follows. " On 
the 2d of February, 1625, he [Charles] was crowned at 
Westminster: William Laud altered the old corona- 
tion-oath, and framed another"." And the lord chief 
baron Atkins, in a speech to the lord-mayor, Oct. 1693, 
renewed this accusation against him, in these words. 
" The striking out of that part of the antient oath in 
king Charles his time at his coronation, by archbishop 



easion to violate them, when they thwarted 

his interest or inclination. To serve purposes 

Laud (that the Ifing lihould consent to such laws as tlie 
people should chnse), and instead of that, another very 
unusual one inserted, saving the king's prerogative 
royal V And on his trial before the lords, it was ob- 
jected to him, that " he compiled the form of his ma- 
jestie's coronation different from that of king Edward 
VI. and king James; inserting some prayers and cero- 
monies in it out of the Roman pontifical"," To this 
Laud replies, " He [a manager of the house of com- 
mons] charged me with two alterations in the body of 
the king's oath. One added, namely these words 
(agreeable to the king's prerogative). The other omit- 
ted, namely these words (gute populus ehgerit), which 
the people have chosen, or shall chuse. For this lat- 
ter, the clause omitted, that suddenly vanished : for it 
was omitted in the oath of king James, as is confessed 
by themselves in the printed votes of this present par- 
liament. But the other highly insisted on, as taking 
off the total assurance which the subjects have, by the 
oath of their prince, for the performance of his laws : 
first, I humbly conceive this clause takes off none of 
the people's assurance; none at all. For the king's 
just and legal prerogative, and the subjects assurance 
for liberty and property, may stand well together, and 
have so stood for hundreds of years. Secondly, that 
alteration, whatever it be, was not made by me ; nor i« 
there any interlining or alteration, so much as of a let- 
ter, found in that book. Thirdly, if any thing be 
amiss therein, my predecessor [Abbot] gave that oath 
to the king, and not I. I was meerly ministerial both 

See Prrface to Wharlon'a Troubles and Tryal of Jj 
itfFbury'n Doome, p. £9. fol. Lond. ie4G. 



not Uie most laudable, he encouraged inno- 
vations in the doctrine of the church" 

ID the preparation, and at the coronation itself, supply- 
ing the place of the dean of Westminster'." 

This aeems pretty strong, and I fancy is true; ba* 
cause the only reply made in the house of Lords, by^ , 
llie managers foi" the commons, to the same dcfetictl^ 
\va&, " That it appears by his own diary, that he had 
the chief hand in compihng this form, and that it wU 
collected, and corrected hy himself, though othet 
bishops werejoyned in consultation with him^/'^But 
this reply is not to the purpose. Laud might, and it 
is plain from his diary that he did, collect and corre»Jt 
the form made use of at the coronation. But thest 
coUcciiona and corrections seem to have been wholly 
of the su|ietstitious kind. The unction in the form of 
a cross, the placing the crucilix on the altar, the insert! 
ing the priestly admonition, " Stand and hold fas^? 
&c. which is in the Roman pontifical verbatim; theee^ 
1 suppose, were the things collected and corrected by 
Laud, and were well worthy of his ge(!iu3 and dispoaife 
tion. However, the reader has the evidence on botHi 
sides before him, and is at liberty to form his ovni, 
judgment. SJuch has been said on this matter by 
many writers, though few have gone to the bottom of 
it. Perhaps, after all, 1 may be to'd, it did not deserve 
the pains. 

'' He cnconraged innovations in the doctrine of the 
church, &c j What the doctrine of the church of Eng- 
land is, may be seen in the ihij'ty-nine articles of reli- 
gion, which all her miuisters subscribe. The doctrines 
of cwiginal sin, predestiiiiition, the necessity of the 
grace of (jod, in order to render our good works ao 
ceptabie unto him, and many other things, equally 

'Trtiublei ai^J TrfalorLaud, p. SIS. ' Canterbui?'! Doome, p. 4TSl 




established, and defended the innovators- 
fi'om the ill effects of parliamcutary cen- 

orlhodox and edifying, are contained therein. And as 
a separation was but just made from the Romish 
church when these articles were compiled, she is (as it 
was very natural) declared to have erred in matters of 
faith, and to have taught doctrines contrary to the 
truth. And that men might have a proper detestation 
of her, in the homilies of our church, which wc are 
taught contain godly and wholesome doctrine, she is 
denied to be a true church,and her worship is declared 
to be idolatrous. But this notwithstanding, Richard 
Montague broached in his writings Arminianism, and 
spoke more favourably of popery than a zealous pro- 
testant could possibly have done. The house of com- 
mons, who valued Ihe pro tesiaiit religion, and really 
believed the doctrines contained in the articles of the 
church of England, were alarmed. They drew up arti- 
cles against Montague, in which they declare him to 
have "maintained and confirmed some doctrine con- 
trary to the articles agreed by the archbishops and 
bishops, and the whole clergy, in the year I5()2; aad 
by his so doing, to have broke the laws and statutes of 
this re.iliB." But all the effect of this was, that the 
supposed criminal was protected by Charles, and ho- 
noured by him withamiue'. Good encouragement 
this, to vilify the doctrines of a church, and applaud 
her adversary ! In like manner Roger Manwaring hav- 
ing, as the commons declared, " preached two sermona 
contrary to the laws of this realm, in which he taught 
that the king was not bound to keep and observe 
them;" and being, on an impeachment, ceasuied by 
t!ie lords, fined, and declared to be incapable of having 
any ecclesiastical dignity, or secular office hereafter, 


■ Bushworlh, vol. I. p. 199, CS*. 



H sures, and r 


sures, and moreover took care to reward 

was pardoued by Wis majesty, and advanced to the rank 
of a right reverend '. — Robert Sibtborp, indeed, had 
not so good luck. He preached the same doctrine with 
Manwarlng, and had his sermon licensed by Laud, 
after Abbot had refused the doing it, though r^. 
quired in his majesty's name; but being " a person of 
little learning and few parls, he only could obtain a 
chaplainship in ordinaiy to his niajcity, prebendary of 
Peterborough, and rector of Burton Latimer in North- 

The doctrines and promotions of these men, and 
others of a like stamp, produced, I am persuaded, the 
following excellent observations. " When such mea 
and such doctrines prevail, it is easy to guess \ 
will follow. No man will care to give perniciouB ", 
counsel but where he knows it will be pleasing; doe _, 
will a prince hear it, unless he be inclinable to take i' 
He only, who has a mind to do what he ought not, will 
like to be told that he may; and the will of the prince 
is then preached up, when law and liberty are to 1 
pulled down. What means or avails the propagatingjJ 
of arbitrary maxims, but to justify and introduce arhi..J 
trary proceedings ? They are too odious to be spread, 
where no great design is to be served by doing it. 
Nor need any man desire a surer sign, that universaj^^ 
slavery is intended by the court, than when universal J 
submission to it is inculcated upon the people, Thiag 
consideration alone leaves no excuse or apology to be^ 
made for those reigns, when such slavish tenets were^ 
every where maintained, and the vile maintainers of J 
these tenets countenanced, hired, and preferred : whe^J 
from the public tribunals, and public pulpits, pla< 
sacred to law and truth, it became fashionable, nay^^ 

■ Raahworth, vol. 1, p. 635. 





them with honours and prefeiinents. In 

became the only and surest way of rising there, to as- 
sert, that there was no law, save iii the wild will of one, 
who, tliough sworn to defend law, might lawfully over- 
turn it; to assert impious falshoods, manifest to all 
men ; to father such falshoods upon the God of truth, 
under his holy name to shelter outrageous oppressions; 
to bind up the hands of the oppressed ; to maintain 
that the lives of men, which they held from God, their 
property, which was secured to them by the coiistit. 
tion, the constitution itself contrived by the wisdom of 
men for their own preservation, and defended through 
ages by their virtue and bravery, were all at the meer 
mercv and lust of him who was solemnly bound to pro- 
tect all; but might, if he so listed, destroy them all 
without opposition; nay, all opposition was damnable. 
When all this was notorious, constant, universal, the 
language of power, the style of favourites, and the road 
to favour, what doubt could remain whether it all tend- 
ed f To prevent all doubts, arbitrary measures were 
pursued, whilst arbitrary measures were promoted. 
The persons of men were illegally imprisoned, illegal 
fines imposed, estates violently seized, and the public 
confidently robbed '." 

To return. — If we may believe Andrew Marvel, Man- 
waring and Sibthorp were not over worthy of the 
countenance and encouragement they received from 
Charles : for, says he, " they were exceeding pragma- 
tical, so intolerably ambitious, and so desperaleljt 
proud, that scarce any genlleraaa might come near tha 
tail of their mules'"." The elevation of these gentle*, 
men, we may be sure, was not very acceptable to th4 
body of the natioa. For nothing was more deteslabl 


his time it was that Mountague,Manwaringii J 

to tliem, ai that time, than Armiiiianism and Popery, 
than lawless rule, and power uiicoDtrolable. With' i 
regard to the new doctrines vended under the patron- 
age of Charles, we may observe that they were not only 
censured by the parliament, but so disagreeable to the ^ 
clergy, that Laud himself^ by the advice of Andrews,- i 
would not trust their being handled in a convocation^ 
" The truth in those opinions not being so generally ei 
tertained (says Heylin) amongst the clergy, nor thtfl 
arclibishop [Abbot] and tht greater part of the prelate^ I 
so inclinable to them, as to venture the determining of" 1 
those points to a convocation'. But thai," continuet' J 
the same writer, " which was not thought fit in that* I 
present conjuncture for a convocation, his majesty wa^ 1 
pleased to take order in by his royal edict." Anfl' 
therefore, on the 14th of June, 162(5, by the advice oP ^ 
his court-bishops, he issued forth a proclamation, iti J 
which he declared " his full and constant resolution,' 
that neither in matters of doctrine, nor discipline of the* J 
church, nor in the government of the state, he will ad^ I 
mit.of the least innovation. — Hia majesty thereupoii*] 
commands all his subjects (the clergy most especially^ 
both in England and Ireland, that from thencefortT 
they should carry themselves so wisely, warily, 
conscionably, that neither hy writing, preaching, print^-S 
ing, conferences, or otherwise, they raise any doubtsjTS 
or publish or maintain any new inventions or opinionVS 
concerning religion, than such as are clearly groundefK J 
and warranted by the doctrine and discipline of tttt'] 
church of England, heretofore published and happily i 
established by authority." 

This proclamation seemed, in words, to favour th( 
established doctrines of the church ; but, in fact, waHfl 

• LJFe oF Laud, p. 133. 


and Sibthorp, those noted ecclesiastics^,- 

made use of to uadermiae and destroy them. For tl»e 
book of Mountague, above mentioned, having had i 
variety of answers, which were displeasing to Laud,]^ 
who was supreme in all matters ecclesiastical, heyunder^ 
colour of this order, took care to suppress them, as we, 
may learn from the following passages. 

" Tliere appeared so many in the list against hink^ 
[Mountague], viz. Goad, Featly,W;ird, VVotton,PrynDe,_ 
and Burton, that the encounter seemed to be betweea- 
a whole army and a single person. Laud, and some , 
of those bishops on the other side, encouraged by hia 
majesty's proclamation, endeavoured to suppress those 
books, which seemed to have been published in defi-. 
ance of it ; some of them being called in, some stopped , 
at the press; some printers questioned for printing, a»-, 
the authors were for writing such prohibited pamphlets.. 
Burton and Prynue, amongst the rtsi, were called into 
the high commission, and at the point to have 1 
censured, when a prohibition comes from WestmiRstesi> j 
hall to stay the proceedings in that court, contrary ti 
his majesty's will and pleasure, expressed so clearljij 
and distinctly in the said proclamation : which prohi'^ 
bition they tendered to the court in so rude a manner,. 
that Laud was like to have laid them by the heels fob, 
their labour'." A strange sort of legerdemain thisL, 
The proclamation was against innovations ; but by t 
ulight of these prelates, countenanced by his majesty,. 
it was turned against those who stood up in defence o 
the doctrine happily established by authority. 

However, it must be acknowledged, that though, a 
Mountague, as a reward for his labours, had a bishop- ^ 

iferred i 

rick con I 


pon I) 

; yet his book was called in bj . 

" But ere this proclamation was piUi- 

•LifBorUud.p. 153. 

figured in controversy, and were caressetfJ 

lished, the books were for the most part venteil, an^ 
out of <!anger of seizure'." And in order to crush the 
established doctrines yet more, a declaration was pre- 
fixed to the thirty-nine articles in his majesty's nam^ J 
wherein " he wills, ihat no man hereafter shall eithc^ f 
print or preach to draw the articles aside any way, bat- J 
shall submit to it in the plain and full meaning thereofj^^l 
and shall not put his own sense or comment to be tho^ ] 
meaning of the article, but shall take it in the liters 
and grammatical sense. And if any person eht 
preach or print any thing either way, other than i 
already established in convocation with our 
assent," says the king, "they shall be liable to our dis- 
pleasure, and the church's censure in our commissioiv 
ecclesiastical "," — The body of the clergy were uneasJJ 
at this, as well seeing what they were to expect frona 
it; and the parliament had the same apprehensions. 
For soon afterwards we find the commons making the 
following protestation : 

" We the commons in pailiament assembled, do 
claim, protest, and avow for truth, the sense of the ar- 
ticles of religion which were established by parliament 
in the thirteenth year of our late queen Elizabeth, 
which by the public act of the church of England, ana_ 
by the general and current exposition of the writers o^ 
our church, have been delivered unto us. And we 
reject tlie sense of the Jesuits and Arminians, and all' 
others that differ from if^." 

But notwithstanding this protestation, Arminianism, 
being the high road to preferment, gained ground ; and 
the defenders of the established doctrines were treated 
as disturbers of the peace of ths church, and impugaers 

' ttuihworlb, voL I. p. 635. ' See the DecUratioo prGfited to 

tbt Article*. * Ruthworth, toI. I. p. 649. 

and favoured by Iiim, though they wert " 

of authority. In a speech of Sir Edward Bering, 
made in the house of contniona Nov. 23, 1640, we find 
him remarking on the innovations in the doctrine of 
the church after the following manner: " With the 
papists there is a mysterious artifice, I mean their In- 
dex expurgatorius, whereby they clip the tongues of 
such witnesses whose evidence they do not like. — To 
this I parallel our late Imprimaturs, Jicences for the 
press ; so handled, lliat truth is supprest, and popish 
pamphlets fly abroad, cum prinihgio: witness the au- 
dacious and libelling pamphlets against true religion, 
written by Pocklington, Heylin, Dow, Cosins, Shel- 
ford, Swan, Reeves, Yates, Hanstead, Studley, Spar- 
row, Brown, Roberts, — many more ; I name no bishops, 
but I add, iScc. Nay, they are already grown so bold 
in this new trade, that the most learned labours of our 
antient and best divines must be now corrected and 
defaced with a deteatur, by the supercilious pen of roy 
lord's young chaplaine; fit perhaps for the technical 
arts, but unfit to hold the chair for divinity. But 
herein the Roman index is better than our English 
licensers : they thereby do preserve the current of rheir 
own established doctrine; a point of wisdome. But 
with us our innovators, by this artifice, doe alter our 
settled doctrines: nay, they doe subinduce points re- 
pugnant and contrarient'," 

Those who would know the particulars of these mat^ 
ters, may easily find them in our writers of church- 
history. If it be asked what end the encouragement 
of these iimovations answered in the eye of Charles .■' 
the answer is, that it galled the puritans, hateful to his 
majesty on account of their inviolable attachment to 

" OrflectioD of Speecbet by Sit Edtard Dtrinj, p, 13. 4la. Lond. 



most hateful to the body of the nation : and 

civil liberty; it brought things nearer to the Romisb 
cburch, which was what the king and Laud were desirou* 
of (.as we shall hereafter shew); and it helped to ad* 
vance the mighty scheme of despotic sway, which this 
prince had been meditating and practising from hi(f 
accession to the throne : for all the Arminians at tbitf 
time were divine-right and prerogative-men. — I canJ 
not conclude this note wilhout observing, that this 
declaration of Charles, prefixed to the thirty-nine arti- . 
cles, has been produced and canvassed in the famona ' 
Bangorian and Trinitarian controversies, which engag- 
ed the attention of the public for a great number of j 
years. This will best be understood by the following 

" If the bishop [Potter] means to lay it down as the ^ 
rule of subscription, that it must be made in the sense , 
in which the imposers nndersiood the words; I will 
tell him a tew reasons why I can by no means agree to J 
this. 1. Because, in several cases, it is impossible tO 
he certain in what sense they themselves understood 
them. 2. Because there are not perhaps ten men i 
the church now, who subscribe, in their sense, to iho( 
articles in which their sense is most known. 3. 1 
I cannot condemn archbisliop Laud, bishop Boll, am 
others, who departed manifestly from the receivt 
sense, not of one, but of several articles; nor that decl. 
ation of kingJames I. [Charles L] by which he oper 
patronized the subscribing the same articles in severs 
not only different but contradictory senses: and, 
effect, declared it for the honor of the articles thai 
this should be so; and that all should acquiesce ii 
without mutual reproaches "." To this it was replie(fl 
" It is very uncautiously and unaccurately said, that 


ir to Hme, p. ii9. Sro, LoDd. IflO, 


316 THE LIFE Ol- 

all possible encouragement was given touj 

king Charles I. patroDized die subscribing the same** 
articles, either in contradictory or different senses*' 
Ht3 order is, that every subscriber submit to the 
cle in the plain and full meaning thereof, in the literol^i 
and grammatical sense. What, is the plain and ful 
meaning more than one meaning f or is the one plai 
and full meaning two contradictory meanings ? CouU^I 
it be for the honor of the article (or of tnc king), 
say this ? No : hut the royal declaration, by plain anA' 
full meaning, understands the genera! meaning, whicta*' 
is but one, and to whicli all mightreasonably subscribed 
And he forhids any one's putting his own sense, 
comment, to be the meaning of the article, or to affii 
any new sense to it: that is, he forbids the changinj 
a general proposition into a particulai' ; be standi 
for the general proposilioii, or, for the article itselfij 
and prohibits particular meanings, as not belonging 
the article i nor being properly exphcations of it, b 
additions to it. This is the plain import of the loyi 
declaration: and it is both wise and just; free froi 
any of those strange consequences, or inferences, whii 
some would draw from it'." Dr. Sykes answered thi 
in the following manner. — " During tiie reign of kinj 
James I. and king Charles I. the predestinarian coi 
troversy was on foot, and carried on with great hi 
and animosity. Whilst one party upbraided the other' 
with fraudulent subscribing the articles of the church, 
those who stood charged with prevarication and fraa^ 
with wiles and subtiliies, slill appealed to the articles, 
and insisted that they did not contradict them. In this 
contest, king Charles 1. pablished hia declaration. 
which he says, ' Though some differences have beei 
ill raised, yet we take comfort in this, that all clergy 

^k^. * Water 


Wal:crliiiii]'& C^9c of jUian^EubscrlptJoa, p. -',1, Bto. Cambridge, 1~ 


Other men of the same stamp, whilst their 

men within our realm have always most willingly snb- 
scribed to the articles established; which is im argu- 
ment to us, that they iill agree in the true, usua), literal'' 
meaning of the said aitictes ; and, that, even in those 
curious points in which the present diifcrences lie, 
men of all sorts take the articles of the church of Eng- 
land to be for them ; which is an argument again, that 
none of them intend any desertion of the articles esta- 
blished.' King Charles I. thought it therefore a mat- 
ter of comfort thai all clergymen subscribed, notwith- 
standing their respective controversies, altercations, 
and disputes ; and was ao far from discountenancing, or 
discouraging such subscriptions, that he plainly encou- 
raged all to subscribe, if possibly they could." And 

from the other parts of the declarations above quoted, 
with what Dr. VVaterlarid says is the meaning of it, he 
further infers, "That whatever particular meanings any - 
clergyman may have of any genera! propositions in any 
article, he may lawfully and honestly subscribe to the 
general expressions ; and be free from any guilt of pre*; 
varication, fraud, and breach of sincerity and trust. — .^ 
King Charles enjoined, That no particular private per-*^ 
son should presume or pretend to put his own sense oc^ 
comment to be the meaning of the article. This in- 
jimction, as it stands, extended equally to all the thirty- - 
nine articles ; nor has any maa a right to confine it to 
the predestinarian controversy, i. e. to five or aix arti- 
cles. If therefore any man can satisfy himself that the 
first or the second article, as it stands in general pro- 
positions, is true in its grammatical construction, he 
may subscribe it, notwithstanding he may, when he 
descends to particulars, widely diifer fiom the com- 
monly received notions'." This gentleman, on these 



adversaries met with a very diflferent treat- 
principles, therefore very plainly, and, I think, truly 
asserts, " That whatever cati be said to justify an Ar- 
minian in snbscribing contrary to the sense of the 
compilers and Imposers, may be said to justify the 
men whom Dr. W. calls Arians, in the like case of suh- 
scriplion'." The wrath of Waterland was stirred up 
with this, and he set himself to shew that the articles 
were not Calvinistical, and consequently an Arminian 
might honestly subscribe them. To him Sykes re- 
joined, and thereby shewed the world, thai no test can 
be so drawn, but that subtle or artful men can find ways 
to evade it; that they knew better how to attack each 
other, than defend themselves ; and that the thirty-nine 
articles, which were agreed on for the avoiding of 
diversity of opinions, were yet thought capable of being 
subscribed by men in the most opposite sentiments, 
and actually were so! — I will close this note in the 
words of a very ingenious clergyman, on the subject 
of subscription to the thirty-nine articles. — " I must 
own," soys be, " that I am not highly pleased with 
this method of establishing of consent touching true 
religion, because 1 am apprehensive that it is not the 
most proper way to avoid diversity of opinions. Are 
the clergy to this day, notwithstanding tbey have all, 
and all along subscribed them, better agreed i Are they 
of one mind yet f Have we had no dispute upon some 
of these very articles, wJiich were designed to hinder 
all disputes •• — Y"es, we have, and those maintained too 
by some of the most learned and best of that order — 
aijd that very justly; — for true religion can never be 
established % ■consent, but by debate. — What can be 
the reason why the clergy should fall^imoia ihis method 

■ Cms of Subsoription to ttie Thirty-nine Articles, in Answer to Water- 
land, p. 39. 8vo. Load, 1121. 

^^ CHARLES I. 219 

H ment. These innovations in doctrine were 

H attended with a great variety of supersti- 

B of BTtic 



of articling wi^ their noviciates? Should fetters be 
clapt upon the mind i or should it "be free to pursue its 
owncuDclusioDs? Are religion and truth two different 
things, that if truth should come out, religion must 
fail? And how shall truth appear, but by disquisition^ 
parley, and dispute? What matter to them on which 
side she is found? — be she but found. — Are not all 
mankind as much concerned in her as they ? Why then 
these hedges and Inclosures, where every man has 
right of common ? Sueh practices not only hinder the 
propagation of truth, but are the causes of vile pre- 
varications and hypocrisy. — Men that come into the 
church, unless their sentiments are conformable to ' 
those of the articles, which, by the writings of the 
clergy, and the turn of the age; seem to be very few in 
number, must be guilty of such dishonesty, as a man ■ 
of probity would blush to mention. — Are all the men 
of sense and learning, among the clergy, Athanasians t 
and who but such can honestly put their hands to the 
first, second, fifth, and eighth articles? — Or, are the- 
clergy now-a-days of Calvinistical principles, accord- 
ing to the meaning of the seventeenth article? Yet 
they own these as truths. — What can the laity think, 
but that these persons (who, with so much ease and' 
quietness, solemnly profess propositions true, which' 
they are convinced are false, meerly tor the sRke of the 
preferment of the church) would, for the sake of greater 
gains, subscribe to any other thirty-nine propositions 
you can bring them'?" Tliis is honestly and boldly 
spoken ! A time, one would hope, must come, in which 
truth will be heard and regarded by those who at< 

* Dusnanve frnm entering into Holy Orders, in thi: CurJial fbr Uim Spi. 
riia. vol, in. p. 319, 333. See axnn eKCellBOt Kpmarlis on lliis Subject 
hi Hnrtlejr'G Observations on Han, toI. 11. p. 3Si. S5i. 


tious " practices ; sudi as bowings to the 
altar, consecrations of churches, and the 

authority. Quickly may it come! that the minds of 
good find viituous men may no longer be made uneasy 
under the galling yoke of subscription to articles, 
drawn up by men who comparatively understood little 
of the doctrinal parts of religion, and were quite unac- 
quainted with the rights of conscience. 

^' A great vaiieiy of superstitious practices, &c.] 
Charles, I have before observed, was naturally super- 
stitious, and therefore it is not to be wondered at 
that new superstitions were introduced and cherished 
by him. For when once men leave the road of com- 
mon sense, and think themselves capable of adding 
to the directions given by Jesus Christ, with relation 
lo the worship and service of Almighty God, they 
know not where to stop: one thing is comely in their 
eyes, another significant, another edifying; till at 
length religion becomes a mere hotch-potch of trumpe- 
ries, fooleries, shews, and every thing but what it 
should be. In the reign of Charles a multitude of 
odd things were introduced into the church, and a 
variety of practices, for which no good reason could 
be given. " A rich large crucifix, embroidered with 
gold and silver, in a fair peece of arras, was hung up 
in his majestie's chappel, over the altar* ;" to which the 
chaplains were ordered to make their best bows, Laud 
himself setting the example " at hia ingresse, egresse, 
(a lane being made for him tn see the altar, and do hii 
reverence to it) and at all his approaches towards or ft 
the altar." Pictures were set up in churches, consa.^ 
crations were made use of after the Romish mannerj 
tliough without sense or meaning; the cummui 
t^ible was turned altar-wise in churches and colleges^ 

' C'lDterbiiry's Doooie, p. 67. 






ornamenting them with pictures, after the 

and a great stress was laid on the garments wherein the 
public teachers officiated. — " In the year 1634, being 
the first year after bishop Laud's translation from 
London to Canterbury, great offence was taken at hia' 
letting up of pictures in the church-windows at hia 
chappet at Lambeth and Croydeti, the portraiture of 
them being made according to the Roman missal, and 
bowing towards the table or ahar, using of copes at 
the sacrament, whereupon the people made a great 
clamour, that the archbishop endeavoured to subvert 
God's true religion, by law established in this realm, 
and, instead thereof, to set up popish superstition and 
idolatry'." Laud made but a very lame defence — 
he acknowledged the facts; but insisted on it, that 
what he had done, had been done before him; that be 
had followed the pattern of bishop Andrews; and that 
he knew not that the pictures he had set up were the 
aame with those in the Romish missal. The lattery 
part of this plea was undoubtedly false : for the missal, 
with which they agreed, was found in his study at 
Lambeth, and produced before the lords, marked in 
a variety of places with his own hand. And as to hia 
other pleas, he was told, " that bowing to or toward* 
ihe altar, was never prescribed by our statutes, articles, 
homilies, common-prayer-book, injunctions, canons, 
never practised by any till of late, but some few popish 
court-doctors, and cathedralists ; never used by bis 
predecessor or his chaplains; introduced only by 
papists at ihe first, in honor and adoration of their 
breaden god upon the altar; and enjoined only by the 
Roman missal, ceremonial, and popish canonists V — 
This bowing towards the altar, I think, is yet prac- 
tised by our cathedralists. I remember a man of lettcra 
was used to tell his acquaintance, that he sometimes 
* Riwhwotth, »ol, II. p. 973. * Id. [). SS". 


lianner of the catholics, together with 

ipped into St. Paul's, to have the pleasure of seeing 
Dr. Hare [dean of that church] make his bow to the 
altar. — But to go on. — la the year 1640, we find 
of these trifles enjoined by a canon of the then con- 
Vocation. " Tlie synod declares, that the standing 
of the coin m union-table sideways, under the east 
window of the chancel or chappel, is ia its own nature 
indifferent; but forasmuch as queen Elizabeth's in- 
junctions order it to be placed where the altar was, 
we therefore judge it proper, that all churches and 
ehappels do conform themselves to the cathedral or 
mother-churches. And we declare this situation of 
the holy table does not imply that it is, or ought to be, 
esteemed a true and proper altar, whereon Christ is 
again sacrificed; but it may be called an altar in the 
sense of the primitive church: and because it has 
been observed, that some people in time of divine 
t* service have irreverently leaned, cast their hats, or set 
upon or under the communion-table, therefore the 
synod thinks meet, that the table be railed round. It 
Is further recommended to all good people, that they 
do reverence at their entering in and going out of the 
church; and that all communicants do approach the 
holy table, to receive the communion at the rails, which 
has heretofore been unfitly carried up and down by the 
mmister, unless the bishop shall dispense with itV 

And the stress which was laid on these matters will 
appear from the following narrative of Sir Edward 
Deriug, in a committee of the house of commons, Nov. 
23, 1640. — " Mr. Wilkinson," says he, "a baichelor 
in divinity, and a man in whose character doe concur 
learning, piety, industry, modesty, — presented him- 
self to receive orders; and that was thus. The bishop 

• NnlsoD, p. 545; opuJ Keale's HIstoryofUie Puritans, vol, II. p. 350. 




many other things of a tike nature. In 
short, tlie church of Knglaiid assumed a 

of Oxford's ehaplaiDe[M. Fiilhani], being the exam iaei 
(for bistiups now doe scorne to doe bisliops woilc: it 
belongs to himselfe), hepropoundetb four questions to 
M.Wilkinson, not taken out of the depth of divinity, 
but fitly chosen to discover how aiFections doe stand 
to be novelized by the mutability of the present times. 
" The questions were these: 

1. " Whether hath the church authority in mattera 
of faith ? 

2. " May the king's book of sports, (so some 
impious bishops have abused our pious king, to call 
their contrivance his majesiie's booke) may this be 
read in the church without ofTence f 

3. " Is bowing to or before the altar lawful i 

4. " Is bowing at the name of Jesus lawful i 

" As soon as M. Wilkinson heard these questions, 
Ittpttm auribus, he had a wolfe by the ears ; and because 
onto these captious interrogatories he could not make 
a peremptory answer, M. Fulhani would not present 
him to the bishop for ordination"." These were rare 
questions to be proposed on such an occasion ! and the 
man, who could not answer them in the affirmative, 
must be very unworthy of the episcop.d approbation ! 

" In defence of superatition, it is usually asked by 
ignorant devotees, — what harm is there in it? — If we 
have a mind to turn towards the east, why may we not 
turn that way as well as any other? That God is 
equally in all places, is a fundamental maxim ; and 
which way ever we happen to face in our ad^iiesses to 
him, it is a thing in its own nature jwrfectly indifferent: 
but then we should consider it only as -such, act 
accordingly, and not make a formal stated ceremony 

- ' ^fcriug's Colleclion iK Speeches, p. 43. 


new dress under this prince**, and seemed 
in the eyes of many too much to re- 

of it ; for he must be bat a sorry' casuist who does not 
know, that things by nature indifferent, may by law 
be made otherwise: and as. the constitution of our 
church has left no ceremony indifferent, but all are 
either commanded or forbidden; and this turning 
towards the east is no where ordered, whenever we 
make a ceremony of it (pardon me the expression), it 
is a turn too much. — ^But some one perhaps will say, 
—what would I have men do, for instance, when they 
say their Creed f Would I have them turn no Way, 
but stand just as they did before? My answer is, 
why not ? What occasion for all this shuffling back*, 
ward^ and forwards, when the time is come for us to. 
say what religion we are of? If we desire to let the 
world know that we are Christians, why do we not 
declare it in the face of the world ? As to the making 
the declaration before God, he is every where; why 
then should we turn, to be never the nearer? For 
once to assume myself the air of a profound ra.tiona- 
list; — when we profess our faith, what more proper 
than to stand our ground*?'* This is very just. All 
I shall add is, that we ought to be on our guard 
against superstition, which, once admitted, knows 
no bounds, and never fails to obscure the glory, and 
sully the beauty of true religion. 

^ The church of England assumed a new dress 
under this prince.] Here are my authorities. " The 
clergy, whpse dependence was merely upon the king, 
were whdily taken up in admiration of his [Charles] 
happy gOTernment, which they never concealed from 
himself, as often as the pulpit gave them accesse to 
bis ear; and not only there but at all meetings, they 

• AifOii^t AQuUla,. part II. p. 124. Sro. Lofd. 1730L 

semble the Romish ouc. 

Besides this, 


discoursed with joy upou that theam ; affirming con- 
fideatly, that do prince in Europe was *q great a 
friend to the church as king Charles; that religion 
flourished no where but iu England; and no rcfuntied 
church retained the face and dignity of a church but 
that. Many of them used to deliver their opiniou, 
that God had therefore so severely punished tbe 
Palatinate, because their sacriledge had been so great 
in taking away the endowments of bishoprieka. Queen 
Elizabeth herself, who had reformed religion, was 
but coldly praised, and all her virtues forgotten, when 
they remembered how she cut short the bishoprick of 
^iy. Henry Vlll. was much condemned by them, 
for seizing upon the abbies, and taking so much out 
of the several bisbopricks, as he did in the 37th year 
of his rcigiie. To maintaine therefore that splendour of 
a church, which so much pleased them, was become 
their highest endeavour; especially after they. had 
l^otten, iu the year l()33, an archbishop after, their 
own heart, Dr. Laud; who had before, for divers 
years, ruled the clergy iu the secession of afdibJuhop 
Abbot, a man of better temper and discretion; which 
discretion or virtue to conceale, would be an injury 
to that archbishop : he was a man who wholly fol.owed 
the true interest of England, and that of the refanned 
churches in Europe, so farre, as that in liis time the 
clergy was not much envied here iu England, norths 
government of episcopacy much disfavoured by pro- 
tesUints beyond the seas. Mot only the poinpe of 
ceremonies was daily increased, and innovations of 
great scandal brought into the church ; but in point of 
doctrine, many faire approaches made towards Rome; 
as he that pleaseth to starch may find in the books of 
bishop Laiid, Moiiniague, Heylio, Pocklington and 
the rest; or iu brief collected by a bcotish mimster, 
VOL. It. fi 

papists were favoured and 

master Bayly. And as their friendship to Rome in- 
creased, so did their scorne to the reformed churches 
I beyond the seas; whom,' instead of lending that reJiefe 
tnd succour to them, which God had enabled this 
rich island to do, they failed in their greatest ex- 
tremities, and instead of harbours, became rocks to 
I *plit them'," I have the rather quoted this at length, 
in order that I may give the reader a taste of Mr. 
May's manner of writing. Take him upon the whole, 
he will appear elegant, exact, and impartial, and de- 
' serving to be much betigr known than he is. — But to 
proceed. Monutague, before mentioned, maintained 
that " the controverted points [between the Uoman 
catholics and the protestants] are of a lesser and 
inferionr nature, of which a man may he ignorant, 
without any danger of his soul at all." He moreover 
affirmed and maintained, " that sainla have not only 
& memory, but a more peculiar charge of their friends; 
and that it may be aduiittcd, that some saints have a 
peculiar patronage, custody, protection, and power, 
as angels also have, over certain persons and countries, 
by special deputation ; and that it is no impiety so to 
I- believe''." The same Mountague in print averred, 
I " That all priests, and none but priests, have power to 

L forgive sins. Such absolution," said he, " is a part of 

t priestly power which could not be given by men 
H>r angels, but only and immediately by Almighty God 
himself; a part of that paramount power whicii the 
God of glory hath invested mortal men withal'." This 
was at length become so current a doctrine, that it was 
maintained in the pulpit as well as from the press. 
For one Mr. Adams, preaching publicly in St. Mary's 

' May's Hiilory ot tlie Parliament, p. 22. *> RuBhworth, vol, I. 

QIO. ' Prynnc's CBnteibnTT^i Doome, p. 189. 



Caressed by the court, advanced there- 
church in Cambridge, declared, "That a special con- 
fession unto a priest (actnally where time and oppor- 
tunity presents itself, or otherwise in explicit intention 
and resolution) of all our sins committed after baptism, 
so farre forth as we doe remember, is necessary unto 

salvation," \'ea, he moreover averred, " That it 

was as necessary to salvation as meat is to the body '." 
It was also become very fashionable, at this lime, to 
talk of the real presence of Christ on the altar, and the 
unbloody sacrilice offered thereon ^ What these men 
meant is not very easy to know, though some of these 
doctrines are still pretended to be held by many in 
tills age, I say, pretended; for it is hardly possible 
to think that men of sense and learning can themselves 
believe what, for very good and profitable purposes, 
they seem to endeavour to palm on their ignorant 

credulous followers. It would be quite tedious to 

enumerate the particulars of the approaches which 
were made towards popery in this reign. Suffice it to 
say, that standers by, as well as persons concerned, 
saw and acknowledged them. Let us hear a foreign 
nobleman, who wrote on the spot. " As to a reconciliar- 
tion between the churches of England and Rome, 
there were made sonic general propositions and over- 
tures by the archbishop's agents, they assuring that 
his grace was very much disposed thereunto; and 
that, if it was not accomplished in his Ule-time, it 
would prove a work of more difficulty after his death; 
that in very truth, for the last three years, the arch- 
bishop had introduced some innovations, approaching 
the rites and forms of Rome. The bishop of Chichester, 
a great confident of his grace, aiid (he lord-treasurer, 
atid eight other bishops of his grace's partie, did mosl; 

' Pijrnne'E Canleibury'4 DoDiue, p. 1 

•a ■' 

• W. p, a 



in to emplojmeuts of great trust and 

sioDately desire a reconciliation with the church of 
Rome; that therefore the pope, on his part, ought to 
make some steps to meet them, and the court of Home 
remit something of its rigour in doctriue, otherwise no 
accord could be. And in very deed, the universities, 
bishops, and divines of this realm, doe dally embrace 
catholike opinions, though they professe not so much 
with open mouth, for fear of the puritans. Tor 
example, they hold that the church of Rome is a true 
church ; that the pope is superior to all bishops ; that 
to him it appertains to call general councils; that it is 
lawful to pray for the sonl of the departed; that altars 
ought to be erected of stone. In summe, that they 
'believe all that is taught by the church, but not by the 
court of Rome. There was likewise an English doctor 
that told Panzanie's [the pope's nuntio] friend, that 
the king did approve of auricular confession, and was 
willing to introduce it; and would use force to make it 
received, were it not for fear of sedition among the 
people '." 

The following passage from Heylin, will fully shew 
the appearauce the church of England made in those 
times. " If you will take her character," says he, 
" from the pen of a Jesuit, you shall tindbiui speaking, 
amongst many falsehoods, these undoubted truths, viz. 
That the professors of it, they especially of the greatest 
worth, learning, and authority, love temper and mode- 
lation; that the doctrines are altered in many things; 
as, for example, the pope not Anti-christ, pictures, 
free-will, predestination, universal grace, inherent 
righteousness, the preferring of charity before know- 
kdge, the merit (or reward rather) of good works; 
the thirty-nine articles seeming patient, if not ambitious 

* The Pa|>ei N unties, p. tO. its. Itimi. 1643. 



profit*', and not a few converts were made 

nlso, of some catholic sense ; that their churches begin 
to look with a new face, their walls to speak a new 
language, aad some of their divines to teach, tliat the 
church hath authority in determining controversies of 
faith, and interpreting the scriptures; that men la 
talk and writing, use willingly the once fearful names 
of priests and altars, and are now put in mind, that, 
for exposition of scripture, they are hy canon hound 
to follow the lathers. So far the Jesuit may be thought 
to speak nothing but truth ^" How far this new face 
and uew language was acceptable to the nation, will 
hereafter at laige appear. In the meanwhile I shall 
only remark, that it seems not over honourable to 
resemble a harlot, as the church of Home is styled io 
the Homilies. 

*' Professed papists were advanced to employments 
of great trust and profit, Stc] Great complaints were 
made in parliament of the growth of popery, and the 
favonr which was shewn to the professors of it. In the 
first year of this reign a petition was deUvered to his 
majesty on this subject, and " he was desired to order 
the laws to be put in execution against recusants, and 
to remove from places of authority and government all 
popish recusants, which he promised to doV But 
yet, notwithstanding this promise, we find several 
" letters of grace, protection, and warrants of dis- 
cbarge, granted by his majesty to notorious popish re- 
cusants, priests and Jesuits, to exempt them from all 
prosecutions and penal laws against them, signed with 
the king's own hand'." Had this been all, &ettiag 
aside the breach of his word, the king, 1 think, would 
not have been much to blame; it seeming not so very 



to the impious and ill-natured tenets of the 

equitable to punish men, merely for not worshipping 
the eternal and all-seeing Mind in a way and manner 
their consciences approve not of. But Charles went 
much farther than this. Windebank, a notorious Ro- 
man catholic, by the procurement of Laud *, was made 
secretary of state ; Weston, lord-treasurer, was univer- 
sally believed by the protestants to be of the same pro- 
fession ^ ; Cottington, chancellor of the exchequer, had 
been reconciled in Spain to the Romish church (though 
he joined in all parts of worship according to the 
church of England), and died in her communion, in 
the same country^. Sir Kenelm Digby, Sir Toby 
Matthews, Walter Mountague, were all in high favour 
at court, though they made no scruple of o^^ning their 
principles, and openly attempting to make converts. 
Nor must we omit to mention, in this place, that 
Charles admitted Gregorio Panzani, an Italian, and 
George Con, a Scot, and afterwards count Rosetti, to 
reside about the court, as agents or nuncios from the 
see of Rome. The first was sent over in the latter end 
of the year 1635, by pope Urban VIII. on no other 
pretence, says Heylin, " than to prevent a schism 
which was then like to be made between the regulars 
and the secular priests, to the great scandal of that 
church; yet under that pretence were muffled many 
other designs, which were not fit to be discovered unto 
vulgar eyes. By many secret artifices he works him- 
self into the favour of Cottington, Windebank, and 
otlier great men about the court. And he found some 
way to move the king for the permission of an agent 

• Laad's Diary, by Wbsurton, p. 47. ^ Clarendou, toI. I. p. 50. 

Sse also Staflforde's Letteiv and Dispatches, rol. I. p. 381. where Mr. Gar- 
rard, relating the circumstances of liis death, says, it is whispered apd be- 
lieved that he died a Roman eathoHclc, and had all the oemnoDiet of that 
church performed to him at his death. ^ Id. toI. VL pb S80. 

see of Rome. These tilings gave very great 

from the pope to be addressed to the queen, for the 
cone ertuD eats of her religion; which the king, with 
the advice and consent of liis council, condescended 
to, upon condition tliat the party sent should be no 
priest"." The nobleman, whom I have already quoted, 
tells us, " that Panzaiii, when he arrived at London, 
saluted the queen, and afterwards the king also, who 
received and treated him with much kindness, telling 
him, that he was very welcome: yea, his majesty re- 
mained uncovered during all the discourse and enter- 
tainment V " Panzani, having laid ihe foundation of 
an agency, or constant correspondence between the 
queen's court and the pope's, left the pursuit of the de- 
sign to Con, a Scot by birth, but of a very busy and 
pragmatical head. Arriving in England about the . 
■niddleof summer, Annol()36, he brought with him many 
pretended rdiques of saints, medali^, and pieces of gold 
with tlie pope's picture stamped on them, to be distri- 
buted amongst those of that parly, but principally 
amongst the ladies of tlie court and country, to whom 
he made the greatest part of his applications. HO 
found the king and queen at Hotdenhy-house, and b^ 
the queen was vcrj' graciously entertained, and took up'/ 1 
his chief lodgings in a house near the New Exchange. 
As sooLi as the court was returned to Whitehall, he 
applied himself diligently to his work, practising upon 
some of the principal lords, and making himself very 
plausible with the king himself, who hoped he might ' 
make some use of him in the court of Home, for facili- 
tating the rettitution of the prince elector. — ^By the 
king's connivance, and the queen's indulgence, the po- 
pish faction gathered not only strength, but confi- 
dence; multiplying in some numbers about the court. 

., p. 7, 




i&ffencc to many, and induced them to be- 

ind resorting in more open manner to the masses at 
Somerset house, where the Capuchins had obtained 
botli a chappel and convent'." Tlie abbot Chambres, 
Vbo was dispatched into Scotland by the tardiual duke 
de Hichlien, to foment the commotions there in the 
year IfiSy, ivas nephew to this Con, who had received 
so " many favours and civilities from the ting and 
queen of Oreai Britain *■." Such are the retums to be 
txpectcd from men animated by a blind zeal for super- 
stition i Such the rewards to be hoped for from favour- 
ing our avowed foes!— The authority of lleylin, in this 
matter, will hardly be questioned by those who are ac- 
quainted wilb his principles. But that i may put the 
encouragement and growth of popery under Charles 
out of all manner of doubt, 1 will udd proofs little 
Itnown of it, though they are most authentic. 

Mr. Garrard, in a letter to the lord-deputy Went- 
worth, dated London, 23 March, l63fi, has the follow- 
ing passage. " Dr. Haywood, late household-chaplain 
to my lord's grace of Canterbury, now the king's, par- 
son of St. Giles's in the Pielda, where he lives, brought 
a pftirion to my lord's grace, and the other lords of his 

[;'%iajestie's council, complaining, that in a very short 
time a great part of his parishioners are become papists, 
and refuse to c'oine to cliurch. The wolf that has been 
■amongst them is a Jesuit, one Morse, who since this 
complaint is, they say, by order appn bended and com- 
ikuded to prison. I'opery certainly encreaseth much 
'ionongst hb, and will do so still, as long as there is 

' -such access of all sorts of English to the cbaple in So- 
"Diersci-house, uttejly frbiddea and punishable by the 
laws of the land. 1 wish, and pray to God with all 

• Beyliti's Life of t_aH<l, p. 35B. 
Be;** Sute Pspere, vol. It. p. 599. 

" D'EBtnide's Letters, p. 8: 

lieve, that Cliarles himself, in heart, waa a 

my heart, that the bishops of England would take tlii» 
growth of popery into their considerations, and s 
by all ineunR to i-etard that, as weil as punish by sus- 
pension and other ways those called puritan tniriisrers '."* 
The same gentleuian, in a letter to the same nobleman^ 
dated Lond- Ap. «8, 1637, writes thus: " Wat 
Mouritague is come again into England, lodged in th* 
Cockpit by the iord-chamberlain's favour, hath kissed 
the king and queen's hands, lives much in court, and is 
a great companion of signor Con's, the agent foi 
Rome. Another of my familiar acquaintance is goai 
over to the popish religion. Sir Itoberl Howard, which , 
I am very sorry for. — Monday in Easier-week, mj- lord 
Andover, Berkshire's eldest son, was married by a po^ 
pish priest to Mrs. Doll Savage"," 

This Wat, or Walter Mountague, was younger bro* ' 
ther to Edward earl of Manchester, better known by 
the title of lord KimboUon. He had changed his reli* 
gioti abroad, was made lord-abbot of Ponlois, and befcSi 
came an adherent to Mazarine, and a favourite of Aim.V 
of Austria. He died in the year ifiCiQ'.— But to pro*^ 
ceed. Mr. Garrard, in a letter of Nov. 9ih, l637, telli j 
the said lord, " That there hath been an horrible noise-^ 
about the lady Newport's being become a Roman c^ 
tholic : she went one evening, as she came from a play 
in Drury-lane, to Somerset-house, where one of the 
Capuchins reconciled her to the popish church, of 
which she is now a weak member'^." And in another 
letter of his, dated London, May 12th, l638, we have 
the following narration,— " The conde de Oniate, thtr 
Spanish ambassador, accompanied with an Irish gen- 
tleman of the order of Calatrava, in the holy week, 
came to Denmark-house, to do his devotions in the 

• Slraffirde's Letlera, yol. II. p. 57. <• Id. p. 13. '- Wood's 

Tasti, c. 1G3. " Strafibrde, vol, U. p. t9B. 



papist, and that lie intended to introduce 

queen's cbapple there : he went off thence sbout ten 
o'clock, a dozeu torches carried before him by his ser- 
vants, and some behind him: he and the Irish gentle- 
man were in the front, with their beads in their handu, 
which hung at a cross : some English also were among 
them ; so that with their own company, and many who 
followed after, they appeared a great troop. They 
walk from Denmark-house down the Strand m great 
formality, turn into Coven t-gard en, thence to seignior 
Con's house iu Long-acre, so to his own house in 
Queen-street, The next day the report went, that the 
Spanish ambassador had gone in procession openly 
through the streets; but it was no other thing than 
K what I have related to your lordship: yet the king 

H took it ill at his hands, and expostulated it with him, 

H and gave order for questioning those English who were 

H in his company. 'Tis true, notwithstanding all the 

H care and vigilancy of the king, and prelates, taken for 

H the suppressing of popery, yet it mucli increaseth about 

H Iiondon, and these pompous shews of the sepulchre 

^E contribute much to it; for they grow common: they 

H are not only set up now in the qii<;eii'a chapel, for which 

H there is eome reason, but a!so in the ambassadorV 

H bouses, in Con's lodgings, nay, at York-house, and in 

^^ my iord Worcester's house, if they be not liars who 

^■' toll it. Our great women full away exery day. Aly 

^B lady Mult ravers is a decl.ircd papist; and also my lady 

^H Katlicrine Howard, — The lieutenant of the Tower, Sir 

^M William Balfour, heal a priest latplj-, for seeking to 

^^ aponvcrl his wife : he had a suspicion tliat she resorted 

^m a little too ninch to Denmark-house, and staid long 

^^ ahrosid, which made him one day send after her. Word 

^m being brought him where she was, .be goes thither, 

^E finds her at her devotions in the chapel; he heckons 

^^ her out, she comes accompanied with a priest, who 

^ft somewhat too ^nui^^J'epi'ehendfd the lieuienani f'jr 

m ' 


popery into his kingdoms: but it is proba- 

disturbing the lady in her devotions; for wliicli he 
struck him two or tlirte sound blows with his battoo% 
acd the next day came and toid the king the whole 

passage, so it passed over"." Lord Clarendon's aei 

count of the state of popery in this reign, before the 
civil broils began, will properly conclude this note. — 
" The papists,'" says he, " had for many years enjoyed' 
a very great calm, being upon the matter absolved 
from the severest parts of the law, and dispensed with 
for the gentlest ; and were grown only a part of the re- 
venue, without any prnhable danger of being made a 
sacrifice to the law. They were looked upon as good 
subjects at court, and as good tieighbonrs in the couor 
try; all the restraints and reproaches of former tiiiiei 
being forgotten. But they were not prudent manager* 
of this prosperity, being too elate and transported wilb 
the protection and connivance they received: though 
I am persuaded their numbers increased not, their 
pomp and boldness did to that degree, that, as if thej 
affected to he thought dangerous to the slate, thej 
appealed more publiciy, entertained and urged con- 
ferences more avowedly, than had been before known; 
they resorted at common hours to mass to Somerset- 
house, and returned thence in great multitudes, with 
the same barefacedness as others came i'rom ihc Savoy, 
or other neighbour churches. They attempted and 
sometimes obtained proselytes of weak uninforn^ed 
ladies, with, such circumstances as provoked the rage, 
and destroyed thfi cliarity of great and powerful fami- 
lies, which longed for their suppression: they grew 
not only secret contrivers, but public professed pro- 
moters of, and ministers in, the most odious, and the 
most grievous projects: as in ihat of soap, formed, 
framed, and executed, by almost a corporation of that 
religion; which, under that licence and notion, mjffbt 
■ Slraffiittk, vol. II. p. 16j. 


ble they were mistaken in their conjectures**! ■ 

be, and were suspected to be, qualified for other agita* 
tions. The priests, and such as were id orders (orders . 
that ill themselves were punishable with death), wei* 
departed from their former modesty snd fear, and wer? 
as willing to be knowo as to be liearkeiied to - inso- 
much as a Jesuit at Paris, who was coming for Eng- 
land, had the boldness to visit the embass.idor there, 
who knew him to be snch, and, offering his service 
acquainted him with his journey, as if there had beeA { 
no laws there for his reception. And for the most in* ' 
vidious protection and countenance of ihal whole party^ 'j 
a public agent from Rome (first Mr. Con, a Scotisb* 
man, and after him the count of Roselti, an Italian) re» 
«ided at London in great port; publickly visited th* 
court, and was avowedly resorted to by the catholicks ' 
of all conditions, over whom he assumed a particular 
jurisdiction; and was caressed and presented magnifi- 
cently by the ladies of honour who inclined to that pro- 
fession. They had likewise, wiih more noise and va- 
nity than prudence would have admitted, made publick 
colleclions of money to a considerable sum, upon some 
Teeoraniendations from the queen, and to be by her ma- 
jesty presented as a free-will offering from his Homan 
catholick subjects to the king, fur the carrying on the 
war against the Scots; which drew upon them the rage 
of that nation, with little devotion and reverence to the 
queen herself; as if she desired to suppress the pro- 
testant religion in one kingdom as well as the other, by 
the arms of the Roman catholicks. To conclude, they 
carried themselves so, as if they had been suborned by 
the Scots to root out iheir own religion*." This de- 
Ecriptioii, as an ingenious writer observes, would si- \ 
most have suited the reign of king James IP. 

*^ Many believed Charles himself was a papist,— — 

•CI»rend0Q, vol. r. p, 148. " Enquiry into the Share which K. Cherlea L 
hud in ibe TruitBclioiu of the Eail of aUmargan, p. S93. Bto. Load. 174T. 


, But though there might not have beea 

but they were mistaken, &c,] " 1 hear," saja Mr, 
Garrard, in a leltei" to the lord-deputy Weniwortlfi ' 
dated London, Dec. l6, 1637, " of ccrtaio papeis scab-' 
tered lately in Somerset-house, diiected to the lords of I 
his majeslie's council, wherein it is said, that hitlf hijt ] 
majestle's council are of the Komish religion, alreadyj 
and that lying scriLler, whoever he was, persuades tbs I 
rest to comply ihat way, otherwise they would hav<| ] 
scorns and disj^r^:ccB put upon them by his majestyj ; 
for all would run that way uiihin one half. A bold aii4 
high impudence ! I pray God he may be found, that he 
may receivL' condign punishment"." But this scribbler 
was not singular in the thought that popery was li^ 
tended to be established here, as appears from the two 
following (lassages in Laud's Diary. I(i33, Aug. 2. 
" That very morning at Greenwich, there came one to 
me, seriously, and that avowed ability lo perforin it, 
and offered me to be a cardinal : 1 went presently to 
the king, and acquainted him both with the thing and 
Uie person. Aug. 17, Saturday, I bad a serious offer 
made to ine again to be a cardinal : I was then from 
courts but so soon as 1 came thither (which was Wed- 
nesday, Aug.ttI), 1 acquainted his majesty with it. But 
my answer again was, that somewhat dwelt within me, 
which would not suffer that, till Rome were other than 
it is '." Appearances certainly must have been greatly 
in favour of Romnnism, when the head of the church 
of England was thought not indisposed to commence a 
member of the sacred college. We are not therefore 
to wonder, that Mr. Prynne imagined " Laud's end 
Wis, that popery might creep in among ua by degrees, 
witliQiu the least opposition or impeachment'." How> 

• Stmfr.irilr'a LctteiS, vol. li. p. 143. <> Laud's 

Wbattuu, y. 49. ' Cantecburj s Doom, p. \Si. 

iary, by 



any intention to submit to Rome, yet it is 

ever, it does rot appear tbat Charles or tlie archbishop 
ha<( any such inti>ntioiis. 

" He [Charles] was ill thought of by many, espe- 
cially tiie puritans, then so called (says Lilly), for suf- 
fering; the chippie at Soinei'set-honseiobebuiit for the 
qneen, where mass was publlckly said : yet he was no»1 
papist, or favoured any of their tenets, nor do I remetn-.J 
ber any such thing was ever objected aj^ainst him,— 
Many also have blamed him for writing unto the poptf-l 
when he was in Spain; others think ill of him for the 
mauy reprieves he gave unto seminary priests, and Mr. 
Pryn sweats to no purpose m aggravating his offence 
thereby. Why might he not as well, in a civil way, 
write unto the pope, aa write and send his ambassador 
to the great Turk, i know not; and for his mercy ta^ J 
those priests, who had not occasioned rebellion in his. " 
dominions, truly charity bids me to make rather a good 
than ill construction. And were not the common (air 
of this nation more in force than the canon of scrip-^ J 
tnre, those things could not bejustified, putting men ■ 
to death for religion, or taking orders beyond sea'."; 
And archbishop Usher left a memorandum, in his own'- 1 
hand-writing, in the following words: "The king once 
at Whitehall, in the presence of George duke of Buck- 
ingham, of his own accord, said to me, that he never 
loved popery in all his life; but that he never detested 
it before his going into Spain ""." Dr. Ryves also, in 
a postscript to a letter to ihe said archbisliop, dated 
Oct. 8, j623, writes: "No one doubts but tbat the 
prince went a good protestant out of England ; but it 
is as certain, thanks be given to God for it, that he is 
returned out of Spain tenfold more confirmed in our's, 
more obdurate against their religion than ever he v 

cr's Life, by Parr, p. 


well known that Charles anned at a thing 
most prejudicial to truth, honesty, and the 

before"." I will add bijt a proof or two more. " His 
daughter, the lady Elizabeth, being admitted to see 
him the day befuce his execution, he bid her read^'] 
bishop Andrews's Sermons, Hooker's Ecclesiastical Po- , 
lity, and bishop Laud's book against Fisher, which • 
would ground her against popery V And in hi§" 
speech on the scaffold he has the following passage. — • " 
" IMy conscience in religion, I think, is very well 
known to all the world ; and therefore I declare before- 
you all, that I die a Christian, according to the profes- 
sion of the church of England, as I found it left me by 
my father: and this honest man [Dr. Juxon], I thint, 
will witness it'." Is not this very strong, considered* 
as coming from the mouth of a dying man ? Need we 
more proofs that Charles was not a papist himself? or ; 
shall we yet suspect that the introduction of popery^, 
was what he had in his view ? Forbid it, charity ! for-", 
bid it, candor! 

It is very remarkable, that Sir Edward Dering and'* 
Mr. May acquit Laud also of any such purpose. " His^ 
[Laud's] book, lately set forth (especially for the latter' ] 
half thereof), hath muzzled the Jesuit, and shall strike 
the papist under the fifth rib, when he is dead and' 
gone""." — "The archbishop of Canterbury was much' 
against the court of Home, though not against the 
church, in so high a kinde: for the doctrine of the 
Roman church was no enemy to the pompe of prelacy; ■ 
but the doctrine of the court of Rome would have 
swallowed up all under the pope's supreamacy, and' 
have made all greatness dependant upon him: which 
the archbishop conceived would derogate too much 

'b Ufp, by Parr, p, SOS. 
• id,p, B09. 

1 King Chariet'i Wnrki, p, 306. 
' DenD^'i Sp^bci, p. 5. 


public welfare, even uniformity in modes 
and forms*'. 

from the king in temporals (and therefore hardly to be 
accepted by the coiirl), as it would from himself in 
Bpirituals, and make hie metropolitioal power subordi- 
nate, which he desired to hold absolute and indepen- 
dent within the realme of England '." In short, who- 
ever considera that Laud was the instrument of re- 
claiming Chillingworth from popery, that he was his 
patron, and the cncourager of his writing that immor- 
tal book The Religion of Protestants ; I say, whoever 
considers hut this, will go near to acquit him from 
popery, and the design to establish it". — I shall con- 
clude this note with observing, that if any stress was 
to be laid on a little book entiilefl, " CeHatnen Reli- 
giosum: or a conference between K. Charles I. and 
Henry late marquis of Worcester, concerning religion 
in Ragland Castle, printed at London 1649, in 12mo," 
this monarch must be looked on as a good protestant : 
for he therein shews zeal for the reformation, and a 
detestation of the church of Rome. But the authority 
of this book was not admitted by Charles's friends'; 
and neither the diction ot sentiments seem well to 
agree with his genuine undoubted writings, and con- 
sequently nothing is to be concluded from thence in 
his favour. The publisher of this piece was Thomas 
Baylie, 1). D. subdeati of Wells, who afterwards turned 
to the Romish communion, and was very bitter against 
all who followed not his example. 

*' Charles aimed at a thing most prejudicial — uni- 
formity iu modes and forms.] Heylin shall be my 
authority for the fact. 

■ Mbj'b Parliamentary HIstnry, p. 25. 
hillingiKOtlh, p. 9— 13- 8vd. Lund. 1125. 

•CHARLES h «4i 

*^ This, Was pressed every where, both* on 

; *^ Laud.htid riot sate long in the chalre of Canterbuiy> 
when lie procured an order from the lords of the eoun? 
oil^ bearing date Oct. 1, 1633, by which their English 
churches and regiments in Holland (and afterwards by 
degrees in all other foreign parts and plantations) were 
required strictly to observe the English liturgy, with all 
the rites and ceremonies prescribed in it. — And now 
at last, says he, we have the face of an English church 
in Holland, responsal to the bishops of London for the 
time being, as a part of their diocess, directly and 
immediately subject to their jurisdiction. The like 
course also was prescribed for our factories in Ham«- 
borough, and those further off, that is to say, in 
Turkey, in the Mogul's dominions, the Indian islands, 
the plantations in Virginia, Barbadoes, and all other 
places where the English had any standing residence 
in the way of trade. The like done also for regulating 
the' divine service in the families of all embassadors 
residing in the courts of foreign princes for his 
majestie's service; as also in the English regiments 
serving under the States. — ^The English agents and 
embassadors in the courts of foreign princes, had not 
been formerly so regardful of the honour of the church 
of England as they might have been, in designing a 
set room for religious uses, and keeping up the vest-? 
ments, rites, and ceremonies prescribed by law in per- 
formance of them. It was now hoped, that there 
would be a church of England in all courts of Chris- 
tendom, in the chief cities of the Turk, and other 
great Mahometan princes, in all our factories and 
plantations in eveiy known part of the world, by 
which it might be rendered as diffuse and catholick a$ 
the church of Rome *." An admirable design this, 

• Life of Laud, p. 276. 



natives and foreigners, and no liberty was 

truly, and well worthy the politics and piety of thi» 
reign ! I suppose our mod-ern propagators of the gospel 
have the like hopeful project in view. These men 
pretend to go abroad to convert Indians and Negroes 
to the worship of the true God, and to the faith of 
our Lord Jesus Christ, and raise large contributions on 
the ignorant well-disposed, for this end, as they say: 
when, iti fact, the Indians are now totally neglected*, 
the Negroes little minded, and the whole end of the 
mission is to obtain a handsome miiintenance, (wliicli 
in these kingdoms, for certain reasoifs, cannot be got) 
by converting better Christians than themselves to 
what is called tbe church of England, that is, to its 
modes and forms ; for as to its faith, so far as it is 
Christian, they are already possessed of it. The reader, 
I hope, will pardon this digression, which indignation, 
at such an imposition on the public, has drawn from 
me. But to go on with the history. Laud, having 
thus begun, determined to proceed and reduce all the 
inhabitants of the land to a thorough conformity. He 
therefore attacked the Walloon and Dutch churches, 
founded by letters patent from Edward VI. " He 
looked on their churches as nests and occasions of 
schism; and thought it better there were no foreign 
churches or strangers in England, than have them 
thereby give occasion of prejudice or danger to the 
church-government of it; and therefore insisted, that 
all the natives of these churches stiould repair to the 
several parish-churches where they inhabited, to hear 
divine service and sermons, and perform all duties and 
payments required in that behalf"." Upon this they 
petitioned for the enjoyment of their accustomed 

* Sec Humpbr;'* Aeeount oT th« Society for the Pcopagktioa of tb« 
Gujpel, p. 306—311. 8to. Lood. 1130. > Id. p: 218. 


to be obtained, though it was most earnestly 


liberty, and made use of powerful int'^rcessors ; but all 
was iQcffeciual. Nothing but conformity would aalisfyi 
thoua:li thereby tbe greatest mischief w'isdone, " For 
by these inj unction?," says Rusbworth, " the fnreiga 
churches were molested and disquieted several yeara 
together, for refusing conformity; and some of their i 
ministers, and others of their congregations, deserted 
the kingdom, and went beyond seas'." Thus were ibe 
inhabitants driven out of the kingdom, manufactnrea 
•ent abroad, and wealth diminished, merely fur tije J 
sake of causioE men to attend the parisb-churchesj, 
and make pMvments thereunto! 

Is'or-did the ministers of the English church, who i 
were incont'omiable, come much better off. Some; ■■ 
who refused reading the dt^laration about lawful sportS^'J 
were suspended, and others sequestered; and nothing J 
was to be heard of but injunctions about placing the J 
communion-table altar-wiae, adorations towards il^ J 
officiating in copes, standing up at the creed and 
gospel, and doxologies, and bowing at the name of -' 
Jesus'*. " These by degrees," says Heylin, "drewoa j 
such reformation in cathedra! churches, that they re^ a 
covered once again their antient splendor, and served ] 
for an example to the parish churches which related. ' 
to them'." Id short, according to the same author, 
things were so far advanced in the year 1637, " that 
little or no noise' was raised about the publishing the i 
book of sports, or silencing the Calvinian doctrineaj 
according to his majcstie's declaration before the J 
articles: no clamour touching the transposing of thft 1 
holy table, which went on leizureiy in most plac 
vigorously in many, and in some stood still. Tlie ' 

• Ruihworth, vol. ir. p. 273. " Heyli.i'. life of L»ud. p. 298. 


requested. The ill consequences of thi» 


metropolitical visitatioiiy and the care of the bishop9i 
had settled these particulars in so good a way, that 
'men's passions began to calm, and their thoughts to 
come to some repose, when the commands had been 
more seriously considered of, than at first they were*." 
And in order to establish the hierarchy in its then 
form, and prevent all attempts for an alteration, in the 
convocation held in the year 1640, the following, 
among other canons, was enacted. Canon VI. " The 
sjmod decrees, that all archbishops, bishops, priests, 
and deacons, shall, before the 2d of November next, 
take the following oath ; which shall be tendered by the 
bishop in person, or some grave divine deputed by 
him, and shall be taken in presence of a public 


* I A. B. do swear that I do approve the doctrine, 
discipline, or government established in the church of 
lEngland, as containing all things necessary to salva- 
tion; and that I will not endeavour by myself, or any 
other, directly or indirectly, to bring in any popish 
doctrine, contrary to that which is so established; 
nor will I ever give my consent to alter the govern- 
ment of this church, by archbishops, bishops, deans, 
and archdeacons. See. as it stands now established, 
and as by right it ought to stand, nor yet ever to 
subject it to the usurpations, and superstitions of the 
see of Rome.* 

" This oath was appointed to be taken by all that 
were incorporated in either of the universities, or take 
any degree, whether lawyers, divines, or physicians ; 
all governors of halls or colled ges in the universities-; 
all schoolmasters, and all that enter into holy orders^ 

• HeyhVs Lifeof Lawd, p. '356. 

"CHARLES I. 245 

to the kingdom were many ; but they were 

or have licence to preach." This was the famous 

el ctetera oatb, the subject of ridicule, contempt, and 

Laud, not content with what was done in England, 
determined to bring Scotland and Ireland to join in 
the same profession of faith, and in the same modes 
and forms. Of SLOtlmd I shall hereafter speak. Of 
Ireland I will relate some frtcts, which are in them- 
selves curioiis, and little known, — Usher formed 
articles of religion for the church of Ireland in the 
year l6l5. These were approved in the convocation 
there, and confirmed by liing James. Like those of 
the church of England, they were Calvinisiical ; but 
being drawn up by a man of sense, they opposed 
vehemently the popish doctrines, and priestly claims". 
Ijuud liked not this, and therefore was not easy till he 
had got a canon passed in the Irish convocation in the 
year 1G34, whereby the English articles were received, 
and the Irish thereby abolished ''. This was matter of 
triumph to Laud, and mortification to Usher, whose 
sentiments and temper were different from the English 
metropolitans. But the manner in which this canon 
was obtained, does little honour to Charles's govern- 
ment, or to ecclesiastical assemblies. The particulars 
are contained in a letter from the lord-deputy Went- 
worth to Laud, dated Dublin, Dec. IG, 1634. " I 
found," says his lordship, " that the lower house of 
convocation had appointed a select committee to con- 
eider the canons of the church of England; ihat they 
did proceed in the examination without conferring at 
all with their bishops; that they had gone through the 
hook of canons, and noted in the margin such as they 

■ SeaHcyliii'sLifeof Uud, p. all. " Id, p. 275. Parr will not 

«Uav tUiE, though I thtuk him misUken. See hi| lite of Uihei, p. ii. 


no way heeded or regarded by Charles or 

allowed with an A, and on others they had entered a 
D. wliicii atuod for Del bcrandum ; that into the fifth 
article they had brought the articles of Ireland to be 
allowed and received, under the pain of excommuni- 
cation ; and that they had drawn up their canons into ; 
a body, and were ready that afternoon to make report J 
in the convocation. 1 instantly sejit for dean Andrews, 
the reverend clerk, who sat, forsooth, in the chair at 
this committee, requiring him to bring aloog the fore- 
said book of canons so noted on the margin, together 
witli the draught he was to present that afternoon to 
the house: this he obeyed, and herewith I send your 
grace both the one and the other. But when 1 came 
to open the book, and run over their Deliberandums in 
the margin," 1 confess I was not so much moved since 
I came into Ireland. I told him certainly, not a dean 
of Limerick, but an Ananias had sate in the chair of 
that committee; however sure I was, Ananias bad 
been there in spirit, if not in body, with all the fra- 
ternities and conventicles of Amsterdam : that I was 
ashamed and scandalized with it above measure ; I 
therefore said he should leave the book and draught 
with me, and that I did command him, upon his alle- 
giance, he should report nothing to the house from 
that committee, till he heard again from me. Being 
thus nettled, I gave present direction for a meeting, 
and warned the primate, the bishops of Mealh, Kif- 
more, Kapho, and Derry, -together with dean Leisly 
the prolocutor, and all those who had been of the 
committee, to be with me the next morning. Then 
I publickly told them, how unlike clergymen, that 
owed canonical obedience to their superiors, they had 
proceeded in their committee; how unheard a part it 
wag for a few petty clerks to presume to make articles 


his ministers, who zealously pursued this 

of faith, wilhout the privity or consent of state or 
bishop; what a sjiirrt of Brownism and contradiction 
I observed in their Dehberandums, as if indeed they 
purposed at once to take away all government and 
order forth of the church, and leave every man to 
chuse his own htgh place, where liked him best. But 
these heady and arrogant courses, they must know, I 
was not to endure; nor 'if they were disposed to be 
frantick in this dead and cold season of the year, would 
I suffer them either to be mad in the convocation, or 
in their pulpits. First then, I required dean Andrews, 
as formerly, that he should report nothing from the 
committee to the house. Secondly, I injoined dean 
Leisly, their prolocutor, that in case any of the com- 
mittee should propound any question herein, yet that 
he should not put it, but break up the sitting for that 
time, and acquaint me with all. Thirdly, that he 
should put no question at all, touching the receiving 
or not of the articles of the church of Ireland. Fourthly, 
that he should put the question for allowing and 
receiving the articles of England, wherein he was by 
name and in writing to take their votes, barely, con- 
tent or not content, without admitting any other dis^ 
course at all ; for I would not endure that the articles 
of the church of England should be disputed. And 
finally, because there should be no question in the 
canon that was thus to be voted, \ did desire my lord 
primate would he pleased to frame it; and after 1 had 
perused it, I would send the prolocutor a draught of 
the canon to be propounded, inclosed in a letter of my 
own. This meeting thu3 broke off, there were some 
hot spirits, sons of thunder, amongst them, who movei} 
that they should petition me for a free synod; but, in 
fine, they could not agree amongst theniselvca who 


daFling pkin. in England ; and even in Ire- 

shouM put the bell about the cat's neck, and so this 
likewise vanished. It is very tfue, that, for all the 
primate's silence, it was not possible but he knew how 
hear they were to have brought in all those articles of 
iteland, to the infinite disturbance and scandal of the 
church, as I conceive; and certainly would have been 
content I had been surprised. But he is so learned a 
prelate, and so good a man, as I do beseech your 
grace it may never be imputed unto him. — The pri- 
mate accordingly framed a canon, a copy whereof you 
have here, which I not so well approving, drew up 
One myself, more after the words of the canon iri 
England, which I held best for me to keep as close to 
as I could, and then sent it to my lord. His grace 
came instantly to me, and told me, he feared the 
canon would never pass in such form as I had made it; 
but he was hopeful, as he had drawn it, it might; he 
besought me therefore to think a little better of it. 
But I confess, having taken a little jealousy that his 
•proceedings were not open and free to those ends I had 
my eye upon, it was too late now either to persuade or 
affright me. I told his lordship I was resolved to put 
it to them in those very words, and was most confident 
there were not six in the houses that would refuse 
them, telling him, by the sequel, we should See whether 
his lordship or myself better understood their minds in 
thiat point, and by that I would be content to be 
judged. Only for order sake, I desired his lordsl^ip 
would vote this canon first in the upper house of con- 
vocation ; and so voted, then to pass the question 
beneath also, without any delay. Then I writ a letter 
to dean Leisly (the copy whereof I likewise send), 
with the canon inclosed, which-accoi'dingly that after- 
noon was unanimiously voted^^ first with the. bisbopaj 


land, where true policy would have taught 
them to have formed the strongest opposir 
tion to popery, by encouraging protestants 

and then by the rest of the clergy, excepting on«. 
man''.'* His majesty and Laud approved of the cours6 
held in this affair^. I think it is father Paul wh6 
relates, that it used to be said " that the Holy Ghost 
was sent from Rome to Trent in a cloke-bag." It had 
not here so long a journey : it resided in the castle witfc 
the deputy, and was ready to over-rule and influence 
all the debates and resolution of the holy Irish synod. 
Great deference, no doubt, then ought to be paid to 
its determinations, and absolute submission to itfe 
decrees. The honesty, courage, and perseverance of 
the members demand our admiration, as well as thfe 
meekness, humility, and modesty of the lord-deputy. 
Surely an uniformity brought about by such methods 
must be most desirable ! I have in the text observed*, 
that the establishing uniformity in modes and forms is 
prejudicial to truth, honesty, and the public welfare. 
To truth it evidently is hurtful, as it hinders the im- 
partial search after it; to honesty, as it frequently 
causes men to act ,as the Irish convocation here did, 
that is, against their own sense of things; and to th^ 
public welfare, by driving away many useful members 
of society into foreign countries, where liberty is given 
of professing their sentiments, and acting conformable 
to them. — ihe political advantages of toleration are 
very well described by PufFendorf, who had seen the 
world, and been conversant with goverament. " Tole^^ 
ration," says he, " is found by experience to produce 
a great increase of people in a state ; because a multi*- 
tude of strangers will put themselves in there, for the 


• • Strafltorde's Letters and Dispatches, toL I. p 343. *» Id. p. QTS , ' 


of every kind, they were not wanting to 

promote it. 

High sounding titles were now bestowed 

■alee of that desired liberty, which they could not 
elsewhere enjoy. And in such places it is more 
necessary that the ministers of the church be well 
studied in divinity, and very exemplary in their life 
and manners, that ihey may maintain their esteem and 
reputation, and be free from the reproaches of the 
adverse party, than where they have none to emulate 
them, in which case they are liable to fall into sloth 
and ill-manners. And in such places too it commonly 
comes to pass, that they are wont with more appli- 
cation and endeavour to instruct and confirm their 
people in their religion, as accounting it their dispa- 
ragement to have them drawn away to another sect. 
But that which greatly concerns the prince of such a 
people, where different religions are tolerated, is, that 
he do take care that the liberty granted to all be 
strictly maintained, and that it be not either openly 
violated, or by any iodiiect methods abridged. And 
he must not suffer that any one parly, where the tole- 
ration is universal, and much rather where all have 
the liberty of religion in their o\vn right, do, by fac- 
tions or secret artifices, put hy those who differ from 
them in religion from bearing offices, or withhold 
them from any of the common benefits of subjects, or 
be any otherwise troublesome. For indeed the prince, 
if he does with equity and prudence manage this 
matter, will find, t'lat those of the subjects who profess 
a different religion from his own, will be more respect- 
ful and officious to liim, than those of his own religion ; 
because they will hold it a special demonstration of bis 
goodness and favour, if they find themselves not the 
less esteemed and regarded by him for their different 



on Laud **, who was thought willing tob«J 

opinion : when as they who profess the same religion J 
with him, will think all things their right and duel 
thai he does for ihem, and hardly hold themselves at * 
all obliged to him for it'," 

** High sounding titles were bestowed on Land, &c.] 
The university of Oxford addressed him by the titles 
of sanclilas lua, spirilu saticto effiismtmi plenm, summut 
pojttij'ex, arc/mngrlus. ut ne quid nimii. Laud owns this, 
and says, " the meanest of these titles is mull urn. nimis, 
far too much, applied to my person and unworthiness: 
yet a great sign it is, that I de^rved very weil of that 
university, in the place I then bare (the diancellor- 
ship); or else they would never have bestowed such 
titles upon me; and if they did offend, in giving such 
an tinworthy man such high language, why are they 
not called in question for their own fault •"?" We see 
here the pride of the man under the guise of humility ! 
Had not the university known his temper, had they 
not found him fond of flattery, they never had bestow- 
ed it on him in so fulsome a manner. But they bad 
found their account in it, and therefore practised it. 
Besides these titles, he had the following also given 
onto him : Optimum niftxirritisqiie in terrh; il/eguorcciior 
noil slat regu/a, qua prior est corrigenda religio '. He 
moreover is said " to have took on him to be the pa- 
triarch of this other world''." On the last of these 
titles, Sir Edward Dering, in a speech to the whole 
house, in a committee for religion, Nov. Sj, 1640, ob- 
serves as follows : " One parallel more I have, and that 
is this; among the papists there is one acknowledged 
supream pope, supream Ju honour, in order, and in 

■ PiiffenclotTB DLvine Feudal Law, 
Troobles and Tryal, p GS5. 
* Laud's Troubtei, p. 3tt^ 

1. Svo. Lond. 1705. * I.and's 
* Canlerbury'i Couine, p. 4il. 

:v,rt^w<w&>^i>.^>,., .^^^L^5 


here, what his hohness was at Rome: and 

power; from whose judgment there is no appeal. — I 
confess, Mr. Speaker, I cannot althogether match a 
pope with a pope; (yet one of the antient titles of our 
English primate was alterius orbis papa.) But thus 
far 1 can go, ex ore suo. It is in print.— He pleads fair 
for a patriarchate : and for such an one, whose judg- 
ment he (beforehand) professeth ought to be final : 
and then (I am sure) it ought to be unerring. Put 
these together, and you shall find that the final deter- 
mination of a patriarch will want very little of a pope> 
— and then we may say, 

-—Mutato nomine de te 
Fabula narratur. 

IJe pleads popeship under th^ name of a patriarch; 
and 1 much fear lest the end and top of his patriarchal 
plea may be as that of cardinal Pole (his predecessor), 
who would have two heads, one caput regale, another 
caput sacerdotale : a proud parallel, to set up the mitre 
as high as the crowne. But herein I shall be free and 
dearie ; if one there must be (be it a pope, be it a pa- 
triarch), this I resolve upon, for my own choice (procul 
a Jove procul a fulmine), I had rather serve one as far 
off as Tyber, than to have him come so neere as the 
Thames. A pope at Rome will doe me less hurt thai^ 
n patriarch may doe at Lambeth*." Whether Laud 
in his book pleads for a patriarchate, I cannot say, 
having no opportunity to consult it. But what he says 
in answer to this charge, 1 shall give in his own words* 
^^ Let any man look into that place of my book, and 
he shall find that I make use of that passage pnly tq 
prove, that the pope could not be appealed unto out of 
England, according to their own doctrine ; wl^ich I 

* Perins*s Speechet, p. 14>.. . 

■ CHARLES I. ■253 

.clmrchmen were exalted to some of the 
highest civil digniti^*', though not very 

hope is 110 blasphemy. Aa for'St. Anselme, howsoever 
he was swayed with the corruptions of bis tiinej yet 
was he in other things worthy the testitaony which 
the authors by me cited givehiin. And if any man be 
angry that the archbishop of Canterbury is called the 
patriarch of this other world, he may be pleased to 
remember, that St. Jerom gives St. Angustine, who 
was bishop of Hippo, and no archbishop, a greater title 
than that: for he writes, beatissimo papa: Augustino, 
more than once and againe V It does not seem by 
this that he was charged wrongfully. This appealing 
to the fathers, and justifying names and things by 
them, would pass well enough in Laud's time. But 
soon after, Daiitie assaulted their authority with vigour, 
and amongst protestants it continually lost ground. 
At present it seems little regarded amongst men of 
sense, who have pemsed the writings of Harbeyracand 
Middieton, Le Clerc and Jortin. May it never more 
be revered! But may the New Testament alone have 
authority in mutters of religion ; and then we need not 
feai" of hearing of popes or patriarchs in England, or 
seeing them assume the pomp and garb, the power 
and cruelty, for which the wretches adorned with these 
titles have been, for the most partj in all ages distin- 

■" Churchmen were exalted to some of the highc:it 
civil dignities, &c.] "There have been some who pre- 
tended to understand the scripture literally, and who 
would make mankind believe llie poverty and Sow 
estate, which was recommended to the church in its 
infancy, and was only temporary doctrine adapted to 
her under persecution, was to be preserved in lier-flou- 

* Land's Troubles, p. 3S6, 


Well qualified for them. — But this was not 
all. — Great hardships were suflered by all 

nshiog and established state. The principles of To- 
iand, Woolston, and all the free- think era, in the opi- 
nion of parson Bai'nabas, are not calculated to do half 
the mischief as those professed by these sort ofniien'." 
Whether Charles was himself, by ratiocination, con- 
■vinced of the necessity of bestowing wealth, dignily, 
and power on men who profeased themselves to be the 
more immediate ministers of him, who declared his 
kingdom was not of this world ; or whether he was 
taught the expediency and necessity of so doing, by 
those who love to harangue on mortification, self-denial, 
contempt of the world, patience, and submission to 
God's will, and the meanness and worthlessness of all 
things here below, in comparison of that happiness 
which the good are taught to believe and expect in a 
future state, I say, whichsoever of these was the 
cause, certain it is Charles was a friend to churchmen, 
as far as conferring on them this world's goods could 
make him so. In the beginning of his reign, " he 
sent for alt the bishops to come to him at four o'clock 
in the afternoon. Wo wailed upon him, fourteen in 
number. Then his majesty chid us, that in his time of 
parliament we were silent in the cause of the church, 
and did not make known to him what might be useful, 
or was prejudicial to the church, professing himself 
ready to promote the cause of the church *■." fj or were 
these barely words. Laud, in 1634, was named one of 
the commissioners for the exchequer, and was called 
into the foreign committee by the king'. These pre- 
ferments Ur. Grey was ignorant of ; and for his infor- 

■ See Joseph Andrew*, tqI. I. p. 119. lamo, Lond. nW. '■laud's 

Dlnry, l)jW1iarU«i,p.32. 'id. ' Exam i nation of 

Nealc'i Qd vul. p. B2. 

those who refused to submit to the cccle-'^ 

mation, as weli as todo justice to the subject in hand,' 
1 mention them. How ill qualified he was for the bu- 
siness of the exchetjuer; and how rigorouB and severe 
he was in his speech and behaviourj those who have a 
mind may see in lord Clarendon', About a year after- 
wards, William Ju.von, lord bishop of London, was 
made lord high treasurer of England. " No churchy 
man," adds Laud, " had it since Henry Vllth's time. 
I pray God bless him to carry it so, that the church 
may have honor ^ and the king and the state service 
and contentment by it. And now, if the church will 
not hold up themselves under God, I can do no more '." 
The archbishop seemed to imagine, we see, that Jesus 
Christ was not so well skilled as himself in the means 
of niaking'the church hold up themselves, under God- 
But he was mistaken. "Fortliis promotion of Juxon's 
inflamed more men than were angry before, and no 
doubt did not only sharpen the edge of envy and ma- 
lice against the archbishop (who was the known archi- 
tect of this new fabrick), but most unjustly indisposed 

' The following liaes in Drydfti'a character of a good parson, 
tby the consideratiOD of the reader, who Ibinki the church nuy ntceiTe 
honour by Btale-lrappingB. 

The ptelale for his holy life be priz'd. 

The worldly pomp of prelacy dcs[Hs'd. 

His Saviour came not W'th a (taudy ihow j 

liorwashis kingdom cflhenor.d below: 

Patience in want, and poverty of miptl, 

Thesemarba of church and churchmen hedesign'd, 

And living t»ught,.and dying left hehind. 

The crown he wore was of the pointed thorn : 

In purple he nas crucify'd, not bom. 

They who contend for place and high degree, 

Jire not his soni, but those of Zebcdee. 
' Land's Diary.p. 33, 

wp...-^-W«POrj!h^.^^..O; ■•:^^\^^»6i^ 


siastical yoke, now attempted to bfe put on* 

many towards the church itself ; which they looked 
upon as the gulph ready ta swallow all the great offices, 
tjiere being others in view, of that robe, who were am- 
bitious enough to expect the rest *." The same noble 
author speaks with grief of some clergymen's " bold 
and unwarrantable opposing (at this time) and pro- 
testing against prohibitions, and other proceedings at 
law, on the behalf of ecclesiastical courts; and the 
procuring some orders and privileges from the king, 
on the behalf of the civil law, even with an exclusion 
of the other : as the archbishop of Canterbury," says he, 
prevailed with the king to direct, thathalf the masters 
Qt the chancery should be always civil lawyers ; and to 
declare that no others, of what condition soever, should 
serve him as masters of request ^." 

And to what a pitch of pride the prelates were ar- 
rived, we may learn from Mr. Whitlock. " In the 
censure of Bastwick," says he, " ail the bishops then 
present denied openly that they held their jurisdiction, 
as bishops, from the king, for which perhaps they 
might have been censured themselves in the times of 
Hen. II. or Ed. III. But they affirmed that they had 
their jurisdiction from God only, which deny al of the 
supreamacy of the king, under God, Hen, VIII. would 
have taken ill, and it may be would have confuted 
them by his kingly arguments, and regia manu ; but 
these bishops publicly disavowed their depehdance on 

the king V " 

And in Michaelm^as term, in the year 1631, certam 
questions were propounded to the judges, touching the 


1. Whethef'clerigymen were bound to find watch and 

ward, day or,pig<bt? To this the answer was deferred. 

* Clarendon, vol* L p. 99. * Id. toL 11. p. 305. « Whitlock, 

p. 22. • . 

CHARLES I. 257" 

the necks of EngUshincii, and very severe 
punishments were intiicted** on those who 

2, Whether clergymen might be compelled to take 
apprentices, by the statute 43 Eiiz. of the poor. The 
judges answered, that no man was out of the statute; 
and gave their icasonB. 

This case, says tbe author, I have reported, because 
it sheweth somewhat of the expectation and temper of • 
the clergy in that lime*. 

I will conclude this note with the words of May.— 
" Archbishop Laud, who was grown into great favour 
with the king, made use of it especially to advance thqA I 
pompc and temporal honour of the clergy, procuring^ 
the lord treasurer's place for Dr. Juxon, bishop of Lott-' 
don i and endeavouring, as the genera! report went, to 
fix the greatest temporal preferments upon others of 
that coat; insomuch as the people merrily, when thej,^ 1 
saw the treasurer with the other bishops riding 
Westminster, called the Church Triumphant. Doctors 
and parsons of parishes weremadeevery where justices M 
of peace, to the great grievance of the country in civil 
affairs, and depriving ihemof their spiritual edification. 
The archbishop, by the same means which he used to 
preserve his clergy hqpi contempt, exposed them to 
envy ; and, as the wisest could then prophecy, to mor^ , 
than probabiHty of losing all ''," 

*" Severe punishments were iniljcted. Sec] Nothing . 
is more amazing than that there should have been men' 
of sense and reason, who have countenanced persecu- 
tion in all its kinds and degrees. But it is astonishing 
there should have been any, who pretended to be fol- 
lowers of the meek and merciful Jesus, who dared to 
practise it; of Jesus 

By «ir.i>u.B 

more liu 
words to 


morp hPBT'nly fl/st 
er Billing hearts. 

■Whitlock,p n. 

VOU 11. 

258 THE LIF£ OF 

had courage enough publicly to oppose 
them. The sufferings of Leighton, Prynne, 

And make pemiasioo do tbe work of fear j 

At \te9al to try, and teach tbe erriog sonl 

Not wilfully mift-doiog, bat anware 

Misled; tbe stobbomonly to sabduc. miltok. 

But too true it is, there have been many wlio pro- 
fessed themselves Christians, who have acted directly 
contrary hereunto ; and who have seemed to imagine 
that they had a right to beat their fellow-servants, for 
not submitting to their usurped sway. Of this sort 
lurere the ruling part of Charles's clcrg}'^, who were per- 
JN^tted by him to wreak their malice a^d revenge on 
nose who opposed them. The hardships of the non- 
iMMiformists in this reign arc well known. They were 
suspended, deprived, excommunicated, and by means 
thereof forced to leave their habitations, and seek shel- 
ier in wilderncsse? in a foreign land, where they found 
that protection which their country refuged them, be- 
came rich 'and powerful, and are now one great source 
of our trade and commerce. 

To enter into a detail of the hardships which the 
puritans svifljered, will be needless, as the reader may 
see them in one view in a late l^ssay towards attaining 
a true Idea of this Reign, wriften by a very ingenious 
gentleman. I will only give the following specimen of 
l^e ecclesiastical proceedings in this time, from Sir Ed- 
I'Waid' Dering, who, in a speech to the house, Nov. 10, 
• ''^640, has the following words: '^ Mr. Speaker, I will 
\ present unto you the petition of a poor oppressed 
minister in the county of Kent: a man orthodox in his 
doctrine, conformable in his life, laborious in the mi- 
ni sterie, as any we have, or 1 do know. He is now a 
sufferer (as all good men arc) under the general obloquy 

of a puritan. The pursuivant watches his doore, 

und divides him and his cure asunder, to both their 




Baatwick and Burton, are read still with hor« 

griefs. — About a week since I went over to Lambeth, 
to move that great bishop (too great indeed) to take 
this danger ofl' from this minister, and to recall the 
pursuivant. And withal I did undertake for Mr, Wil* 
son (for so your petitioner is called), that he should 
answer his accusers in any of the king's courts at 
Westminster. The bishop made me answer (as well at 
I can remember), »w hicc verba y • I am sure that he will- 
not be absent from his cure a twelvemonth together, 
and then (1 doubt not> but once in a year he shall have • 
him.' This was all I could obtain ; but I hope (by the 
help of this house), before this year of threats ruH^ 
xound, his grace will either have more grace, or nd 
grace at all. For our manifold griefs doc fill a mighty 
And vast circumference, yet so that from every part our 
lines of sorrow doe lead unto him, and point at htm,: 
the center from whence our miseries in this chiirdh| 
and many of them in the commonwealthe, doe flbir *•** 

It is very remarkable, that Milton was hindered from 
engaging, in the ministerial office, by the consideratioflf 
x)f the church-tyranny which was at this time erect^di^ 
He was destined, be tells us, from a child, to the'|iep*^ 
vice of the church, by the intentions of his parentg dnt- 
friends, and his owii resolutions : " Till," says ^Ka^ 
^' coming to some maturity of y'ears, and perceivfng' 
what tyranny bad invaded the church, that he who 
would take orders must subscribe slave, and 'take aa 
oath withal^ which unless he took with a i^onscieiUre' 
iSt^t povXi retch^ he musieither strait perjure, or split 
hiffiibdriij; I thought it better to pr^er a bldnleles* 
silence before the sacred office of speaking, bought 
artd begun 'With sfrvitude and forswearing*." 
V Let.iui'nQfW^in'oceed to the puuishments inflicted o& 

^JMi^y^pMlieg; p. 9. ■ >PfQ8cWoi)n,vdl.I. p.65. 


ror by those who have any compassion ; and 

the opposers of these kind of sovereign tyrannical ec- 
clesiastics. In l630f Alexander Leighton was prose- 
cuted in the Star-chamber, for writing a book intitled, 
** An Appeal to the Parliament, or Sion's Plea against 
Prelacy ;" and by reason hereof it was decreed, ** That 
Leighton should be committed to the Fleet, during life, 
unless his majesty should be graciously pleased to en- 
large him; to pay a fine of 10,000/. to the king; to be 
degraded of his ministry ; be brought into the pillory 
at Westminster (the court sitting), and there wliipt; 
and after his whipping, be set upon the pilloiy for some 
CODvenieat space, and have one of his ears cropt ofl^ 
and his nose slit, and be branded in the face with a 
double SS, for a sower of sedition : be then canried to - 
the prison of the Fleet, and at some other time be car- 
ried into the pillory at Cbeapside, upon a market-day, 
and be there likewise whipt, and then be set upon the 
pillorj^and have his other ear cut off; and from thence 
be carried back to the prison of the IHeet, there to 
Biuiiain during life, unless his majesty shall be graci- 
ously pleased to enlarge him*." This sentence, as far 
a» the corporal punishment was concerned, was exe» 
cuted in its full rigour. The long parliament, happily 
for him, released him from his fine and imprisonment. 
'^ The severe punish then t of this unfortunate gentle T 
man/' says Rushworth, ^'many people pitied, he beinff 
a person well known both for learning and other abitP 
ties; only his untempered zeal (as bit' countrymen 
then gave out) prompted him to that'toistake^'^ft^ 
which>.the qecessity of affairs at that time reqitbedBtlf 
severity frpisKthe hand of the magistrate, more than per* ' 
haps the cirSiiieu would do in a following juncture V* 
No such crliBemB. Leighton'S| I hope, will ever, in any 

' Rus]iw«rth» Tol. IL p. 56. ^ Id. voL L p. 58. , 


stand as eternal monuments of the cruelty 

following junctnre, be thus punished in any part of the 
British dominions. I have this appeal to the parlia- 
ment now before me, by the favour of a very learned 
gentleman of the long robe % and have read by far the 
greatest part of it; and cannot, for my life, see any 
thing in it deserving of so heavy a censure. The book 
is written with spirit, and more sense and learning 
than the writers of that stamp usually shewed in their 
productions. He treats the bishops without ceremony ; 
speaks of them, even in his til|Ie^page, as intruders 
upon the privileges of Christ, of tfhe king, and of the 
commonweal, and declares the land shall never prosper 
by correspondencies with them. Speaking of the 
bishops, he says, " their lorrling over the land bath 
robbed the nobilitie of honor, blessing to theirstate, of 
their femrlies, yea and of their soules; and that not 
only by giving evil example, but also by keeping out 
the power of the means, by which they should have 
been moulded, and the true discipline of Christ, 
by which they should have been kept in compasse: 
give them therefore an alarm; make them see their 
miserie, and the bishops to be the cause of it. — Pro- 
claim to all sorts of people, from the Word, the im- 
pietie and iniquitie of the prelates places and prac- 
tices ; discover to the prelates their dangerous condi- 
tion, will them to come out of Babel, and to cast off 
their antichristian pomp. Shew them and the people 
the fearful sin of pestering God's worship, abd over- 
living people's consciences, with the inventions of 
men, yea with the trumperie of Antichrist^." I will 
transcribe no more from tbi* book, that I may jtiot be 

* Nioholas Mosdcley, of Lincoln's Inn, Esq, ^ Syon's Plot 

4faiiut Prdaqr, p« 274. 4to. printed tbe year and month wherein RocheDe 

262 THE tlPE OF 

of the government, and the influence of the 

tiresome to the reader 4 who, though he may condemn 
the sharpness of the expressions (as well as his styling 
the queen a Canaanite and idolatress^ which Mr. 
Whitlock attributes to him), will, I doubt not, think 
that the men who were ca]>able of getting such a pu- 
nishment inflicted on the writer, were far enough from 
deserving gentle usage from the world. 

But to go on. In the year 16S2, William Prynne^ 
well known to the world by his very voluminous, and 
soQie very useful writings % especially in the law, pub- 
li»hed his HistriOhMastix, for which " he was fined five 
thousand pound to the king, expelled the university of 
Oxford and Lincoln's-Inn ; degraded and disabled from 
his profession in the law; to stand in the pillory, first 
in the Palace-yard in Westminster, and three days after 
in Cheapside, in each place to lose an ear, to have his 
book publickly burnt before his face by the hand of the 
hangman, and remain prisoner during life V Heyliii 
Bays, that part of the punishment, which affected his 
ears, was much moderated in the execution : but Mr. 
Garrard, in a. letter to the lord deputy Wentworth, 
dated London, June 3, 1634, tells him, " no mercy 
shewed to Prynne: he stood in the. pillory, and lost his 
first ear in a pillory in the palace at Westminster in 
full term; his other in Cheapside, where, while he 
stood, his volumes were burnt under his nose, which 
had almost suffocated him^/' . The same gentleman, 
in another letter, informs his lordship, ^' that Mn 
Frynpe had got his .ears sowed on, and that they grew 
Ugaiq a» his head.*'.. I have turned to some 
places in this book of M^ ,Prynne's,r which is a thick 
quarto, containing IOO6 pages ; and cannot but admire 

■ See Oldy^'s British Librarian, p. 11. Svo. Loud, 1738. ^ Heyliu's 
Life of Laud, p. 265. ^ Strafforde's Letters, yoK L p. 261. 

CHARLES 1. 263 

priests. It is fit all should be acquainted 

at the weakness, as well as wickedness, of those who 
treated him in so vile a manner on ageount of it. Had 
they let the man alone, few people would have read 
liis book, which is a very tedious dull performaooe, 
though it abounds with learning, and has some curious 
citations; but to use him in so barbarous a manner for 
high and keen invectives against vice, or what he took 
to be such, was a barbarity unheard of.— Might not a 
man, without offence, speak against a sin, though the 
prince is known to be guilty of it? If not, what iriusl 
our preachers do, when the sovereign happens to be at 
some distance from a saint? Prynne deemed acting 
of popular or private interludes, for gain or pleasure, 
infamous and unlawful, and that as well in princes and 
nobles as common actors: he declared . players to have 
been infamous amongst Christians and pagans, rogues 
by statute, and subject to the whipping-|)0st; that 
women-actors among the Greeks and Romans (for so 
he expressly speaks, and no otherwise) were all notori- 
ous, impudent, prostituted strumpets *. This was the 
passage that gave the handle for Prynne's punishment, 
as appears from the following account of Mr. Whit- 
lock's. " About this time," says he, " Mr. Prynne gub- 
lished his book called Histrio-Mastix^ by liceiice of 
archbishop Abbot's chaplam, which being against playsy 
and a reference in the tabic of the book to this efFect^ 
* Women-actors notorious •\^hores,' relating to somfi 
women-actors mentioned in his book, as he affirmech : 
it happened that, about six weeks after tbis^ the queen 
acted a part in a pastoral at Somerset-house; and then 
the archbishop Laud, and other prelates,, whom Pry nn^ 
had angered by some books of his against Arminianism, 
and against the jurisdiction of the bishops, and by some 

' Bistrio-Masiix, p. 214. Load. 1633. 


with these matters, in order the better to 


prohibitions which he had moved, and got to the high 
commission court. These prelates and their instru- 
ments, the next day after the queen had acted her. ( 
pastoral, shewed Prynne'a book against plays to the] 
king, and that place of it, ' Women-actors notorioimS 
whores;' and they informed the king and queen, thatfS 
Prynne had purposely written this book against thtfS 
queen and her pastoral, whereas it was published si»a 
weeks before that pastoral was acted. Yet the kin^3 
and queen, though thus exasperated, direct nothin^J 
against hrm, till Laud set Dr. Heylin (who bare a greatJ 
malice to Prynne, for confuting some of his doctrinea}fl 
to peruse Prynne's books, and to collect the scandalouif^ 
points out of them, which Heylin did. — The arcli-'^J 
bishop went with these notes to Mr. attorney Noy, on 
a Sabbalh-day inorning, and charged him to prosecute 
Prynne for this book, which Noy afterwards did rigor- 
ously enough in the Star-chamber'." It is not at all 
improbable that the ecclesiastics had an old grudge 
gainst Prynne, who in this book provoked them 
afresh, by asserting, that bishops ought to invite the 
poor to their tables, and to have some part of" the 
scripture read at meals, and then to discourse of it; 
that they ought to preach constantly once a day ; that 
ministers ought not to meddle with secular aflfairs, nor 
to bear secular offices ; that they should be resident on 
their cures, and preach twice a day. This, had there 
been nothing else, was enough to enrage these kind of 
men, who loved power and ease far more than labour- 
ing in the vineyard, at such an unconscionable rate as 
this author would have had them. 

In the year 1636, Bastwick, a doctor of physic, hav- 
ing piinied a pamphlet called Flagellooi Episcoporum 

■ WliiUock, p. 18. 


CHARLES r. 265 

fomi a judgment of times which have been 

Latialium, thougiit to reflect on tlie bishops, and also 
a Litany in pursuit of the Bame design, was biouglit 
into ihe Star-chamber: as were Henry Bunon, for two 
sermons piibtishrd by him full of railing against their 
lordships; and William Prynnc, just mentioned, for 
pelting Laud, who had so ill used him, in a pamphlet 
or two, with other prelates of the saitie persecuting 
stamp. These jointly drew up an answer; but could 
get no counsel to sign it, through fear of the court; 
and though they petitioned for Hbeity, in their coun- 
sel's default, to put in their answers under their own 
hands, yet they were refused (as ihey also were denied 
the liberty of exhibiting a cross bill against Laud and 
his adherents), and they taken pro coiiJ'msu; " their 
obstinacy in not answering in due form of law," says 
Heylin, " being generally looked on by the court as a 
self-conviction. Whereupon they received sentence to 
this effect. — Prynne lo be fined to the king 5000/. to 
lose the remainder of his ears in the pillory, lo be 
branded on both cheeks with the letters S. L, for a 
schismatical libeller, and to be perpetually imprisoned 
in Camarvan Castle. Baslwick and Burton to be con- 
demned in the like fine of 5000/. to be pilloried, and 
lole their ears : the first to be imprisoned in the castle 
of Launceston in Cornwall, and the second in the castle 
ofLaneaater. This sentence was accordingly execut- 
ed, to the great discontent of many moderate and 
well-meaning men, and the prisoners were conveyed to '^ j, 
their several places of confinement; from whence af- 
terwards they were removed, out of the way of their 
friends, to theislandsof Jersey, Guernsey, and ScillyV 
When this sentence was pronounced, Laud gave 
thanks to the lords, " for their just and honourable 

' Hpflin'i Life of Und, p. 334. 


and ace so much celebrated. If to what 

censure upon these men^ and for their unanimous dis* 
like of them and defence of the church V 

Mr. HumCy speaking of these sentences, observes, 
that the severity of the Star-chamber was, peibaps, in 
itself somewhat blameable; but will, naturally, to us, 
appear enormous, who enjoy to the full that liberty of 
the press, which is so necessary in every monarchy, 
confined by legal limitations. But as these limitations 
were not legally fixed during the age of Charles, nor 
at any time before, so was the freedom of speech to- 
tally unknown, and was generally esteemed, as well as 
religious toleration, incompatible with all good go- 
vernment. No age nor nation, among the mqderns, 
h{^d ever set an example of such indulgencies: and it 
seems unreasonable to judge of the measures embraced 
during one period, by the maxims which prevail in an- 
other ^ But it is to be hoped the measures of this as 
well as every other reign, aie to be judged by the 
i^fLxims of equity : if they are inconsistent with these, 
tfaey deserve condemnation, though of ever so long a 
practice; otherwise tliose of Muley Ishmael may 
escape censure. Mr. Hume had forgot, when he writ 
the above, that he himself had told us before, *^ that a 
toleration was continuexl to tlie Huguenots; the oi^y 
avowed and open toferation, which at that time was 
granted in any European kingdom^." 

I will add some particulars concerning these unhap- 
py pen, from Strafford's Letters and Dispatches, which 
Viill serve as a supplement to our common Jiistorians. 
Mr. Garrard, in a letter to the lord-deputy Wentworth, 
dated London, March 23, 1636, writes, *'one Dr. Bast* 
wick, a physician (who writes an excellent Latin stile, 
formerly censured in t le high commission). Burton and 

• Rushworth, vol. II. p. 384, " Hume, p. 313. Md. p. ,187, 


CHARLES I. 1267 

has been said, we add a brief account of 

Prynne, for their libellous books lately printed, are 
called into the Star-chainber. Burton's parishioners in 
I^ndon sent a petition to the king, underwritten by 
sixty with their names, to intreat for his pardon and 
liberty : two of them brought it, who were committed 
for their pains*." The same gentleman, in another 
letter, has the following paragraphs. " One St. John 
of Lincoln Viun, upon some information to the lords, 
th^t he should have some hand in drawing Burton's 
answer, so lawyer-like it is done, had his study search- 
ed, and all his papers seized on by Sir William Beclier, 
and carried away; which made much noise in the town^ 
because he was of council with my lord Say, about that 
great argument of the writ of gathering the ship* 
money, which is hereafter to be handled. But Sir 
William Becher fairly suflFered him to seal up those pa- 
pers, which were sent him within two days after^ 

hav4ng found no ground for t^at information^." 

Some few days after the end of the term, in the palace- 
yard, two pillories were erected, and tliere the sentence 
of Star-chamber against Burton, Bastwick, and Prynne,. 
was executed. They stood two hours in the pillory; 
Burton by himself, being degraded in the high com- 
mission court three days before: the place was full of 
people, who cried and howled terribly, especially 
when Burton was cropt. Dr. Bastwick was very 
merry; his wife, Dr. Poe^s daughter, got a stool, kissed 
him: his ears being cut off, she called lor them, and 
put them in a clean handkerchief, and carried them 
away with her. Bkstwick told the people, the lords 
bad collar-days at court; but this was his collar-day, 
rejoicing much at it." The liberty given to the pri- 
soners to speak in the pillory was highly displeasing 

• Straffoidt, yoL 11. p. 57. *> id^ p. 85. 


the restraints on the press, aiid the suifer- 

to Lauff, who thus writes to Wentwovtb, in a letter 
dated Croydon, Aug. £8, 1637- — " What sity yoii to it, 
that Prynne and his fellows should be suffered to lafk 
what they pleased while they stood in the pillory, and 
win acclamations from the people, and have iwies taken 
of what they spake, and those notes spread in written 
copies about the city; and that when they went out of 
town to their several imprisonments, there were thou- 
sands suffered to be upon the way to take their leave, 
and God knows what else'^" In the same letter af- 
terwards this prelate writes: " Once again you return 
to Prynne and his fellows, and observe most rightly, 
thai these men do but begin with the church, that they 
might after have the freer access to the state; and I 
would to God, other men were of your lordship's opi- 
nion ; or if they be so already, I would they had some 
of your zeal too for timely prevention ; but for that 
we are all too secure, and will not believe there's any 
foul weather towards us, till the storm break upon us. 
For in what sort these men were suffered in the pillory, 
and how they were attended out of the city, I have 
already written; and since I hear Prynne was very 
much welcomed, both at Coventry and West^Chester, 
as he passed towards Carnarvon." Nature seemed to 
have designed Laud for the office of an inquisitor. He 
was fierce and unrelenting in disposition, void of mercy 
and compassion, and grudged those whom his rage 
had reduced to very great extremities, even the pity 
and assistance of standers-by. What worse character 
can exist? Who can be more justly odious to every 
good man, than a vain mortal armed with power, and 
using it to wreak his vengeance on his foes? Ought 
not the memory of such wretches to be treated with a 

• Strailbnie, toL II. p. 99. 


' Jngs of such as attempted to break through 

proper indignatioaf Laud, in tlie above letter, 

speaks of the attendants the prisoners had going out 
of the city: Mr. Garrard will explain this more fully. 
— " Mr. Ingrain, sub-warden of the Meet, told the 
king, that there was not less than one hundred thou- 
sand people gathered together to see Burton pass by, 
betwixt Sinithfield and Brown's Well, which is two" 
miles beyond Highgate; his wife went along in a coach, 
having much money thrown to her as she passed along. 
— Complaint hath been made to the lords of tiie council 
of a sheriff of West-Chester, who when Prynue passed 
that way through Chester to Carnarvon Castle, he with 
others met him, brought him into town, feasted and 
defrayed him : besides, this sheriff gave him a suit of 
coarse hangings to furnish his chamber at Carnarvon 
Castle: other presents were offered hiri|i, money and 
other things; but be refused them. This sheriff is 
sent up for by a pursuivant"." In short, a]l that af- 
fronted Laud suffered ; nor were there any that trans- 
gressed against him left unpunished. One Boyer, who 
abused him to the face, and accused him of no less 
titan high treason, was brought into the Star-chamber, 
and censured; nor could he permit (,'ven a crack- 
brained lady to prophesy against him, without giving 
ber th6 discipline of the high commission court ''. It 
would be endless to reckon np the severities inflicted 
in this reign on those wh» opposed the governing ec- 
clesiastics. Persecution in every shape, but that of 
death, appeared, and contiDOitlly increased. Men's 
fears were alarmed, their pity excited, and they knew 
not well what to do. Their persecutors they looked 
on with horror, and could hardly view them under the 
character of Christians, — Nor were their thoughts ol" 

• SlmfforJe's Letter?, vol. I(. p, 114. » See Heylin, p. 266. 



them *^, ^e shall enable the reader fully to 

them, perhaps, too hard. It being observed by ia veiy 
ingenious writer, ^* that 'tis not the believers of reli- 
gion, but infidels and atheists, who, in every country, 
have always been the severest persecutors, and cruellest 
oppressors of all civil as well as religious liberty. For 
t . as this life is their all, they are the more jealous ia 
• guarding it; the more severe in suppressing every in- 
novation in practice or opinion, which might tend pos- 
sibly to disturb their repose : this is the constant ob- 
servation of all who are versed in history, especially in 
that of the Jews, where the Pharisees, however strict 
in the observance of their religion, were always mild 
and gentle in the seat of judgment; whereas the Sad- 
ducees, though little concerned for religion, were most 
implacable and rigorous animadverters on eveiy slight 
transgression of the law*." — It is remarkable that 
. Laud, even when in the Tower, expressed no remorse 
for his treatment of these men, who then were brought 
home, and. used with' great respect by the people. " I 
•hall crave leave," says he, " to say of these men, as St. 
Augustin once sstid of two great Donntists in his time, 
who (it seems) had received some sentence, and after- 
wards a return, not altogether unlike thesis laen [they 
were Felicianus and Pretextatus]. Of thdll^* thus St. 
Augustine: If these men were innocent, tehy were 
they so condemned? And if they were guilty, why 
were they with such h^lidtif tetnrned and i-eceived? 
This applies itsetf^.^-'^'^sl^ffl only observe, that the 
feverity made use of'tb^ifcold the church, as it was 
at this time pretended, waH one very great reason of its 
after-fall. For persecution, unless it be extreme and 
cjonstant, has always been hurtful to those who used it, 
*^ I will add a brief account of the restraints on the 

' Middleton'« Miscellaneous Tracts, p. 170. 4io. Lood. 1752. ^ Laud's 
l^ubles, p« 855. 


comprehend the measures made use of 

press, and the snfferings of such as attempted to break 
through them.] The liberty of the press is most in- 
valuable : it protects all other liberties, dispels igno- 
rance and superstition, priestcraft and tyranny, and 
causes truth of all kinds to be known, beloved, and 
embraced. Wise and good men, for the most part, 
have been for the liberty of the press ; as well knowing, 
that to it we are indebted for the improveitients in 
philosophy and polite learning ; for freedom of thought, 
and of enquiry, in religious matters; and that know- 
ledge which happily is become common among those 
who are acquainted with its productions. Wicked 
ministers, and tyrannical ecclesiastics, dread it, tf 
fearing it will operate to their destruction ; but snch as 
have honest views, and benevolent purposes, encourage 
it, and oppose every restraint of it. It is many times 
abused, without doubt; (and which of heaven's bounties 
is not ?) but the good effects of it are so numerous, 
that that man deserves ill of his country who lends his 
hand in the least to overthrow it, and his memory wilt 
deservedly be branded with infamy. However, this 
blessing was wanting under Charles's government, as 
it had been under that of his predecessors. For licences 
were to be had of some bishop or other, or the 
chancellors of Xhe universities ; and such books as were 
printed without these were liable to be seized, though 
the matter contained in them was most unexception- 
able. But this alone would not answer the views of 
Cbarks's government; and therefore a decree was made 
in the Star-chamber, in July 1637, which, as it will 
afford the best idea of the rigour <>! these iknes, I will 
give an account of. It was to this effect : " That 
shall presume to ,print any book or pamphlet W 
«ver, unless the same be first Uceosed^ 



at this time, in order to ' subdue the con- 

thlei^' epistles, and prefaces therewith imprinted, by 
the lord archbishop of Cantierbury, or the bishop of 
/London, for the time being, or by their appointment ; 
and within the limits of either university, by the 
chancellor or vice-chancellor thereof, upon pain that 
every printer, so offending, shall for ever thereafter be 
disabled to exercise the art of printing, and shall sufier 
such farther punishment as by this court, or the high 
conunission, shall be thought fitting ; that before any 
boolLs imported from foreign parts shall be exposed to 
sfUCiP a true catalogue thereof shall be presented to the 
ait^bishop of Canterbury, or the bishop of London : 
tea that no officer of the customs shall deliver any 
foreign books out of their hands and custody, hefyte 
those bishops shall have appointed one of their 
chaplains, or some other learned man, with the master 
and wardens of the company of stationers, or one of 
them, to be present at the opening of the pack and 
fardels, and to view the same. And those that dis- 
obey this injunction, are to be censured in this or the 
high commission court, as the several causes shall 
require. And if in this search there happen to be 
found any schismatical or offensive books, they shall 
be brought to the aforesaid bishops, or the high com- 
mission office, that the offenders may be punished. 
That no person whatsoever shall imprint in the parts 
beyond the seas, or import from thence, any English 
books, or whereof thn greater part is English,- whether 
formerly printed or not; and that no books whatsoever 
shall be reprinted, though formerly licensed, without 
a new licence first obtained, upon pain of like censure 
and punishment. And that if any person whatsoever, 
that is not an allowed printer, shall presume to set up 
a press for printing, or work at any such press, or set 


■V-S.*»L.^v V,'^-.A?- 'JJ-.-W.*.-.'."--.^ « - <> .V\--*%\.S<Wlm>i»^NAfL<WflMiai 

CHAllLES 1. m 

sciences of men to the dominion of the 
priesthood: a tiling always attended with 
the most unhappy consequences. 

and compose letters for the same, he shall be set in the 
pillory, and whipt through the city of London*/' A 
decree this, little less severe than those of the Romish 
inquisitors! But those who made it, took care ta 
execute it in its full rigour. They refused to license 
many books written against Popery and Arminianism; 
nor would they grant a new licence for reprinting Fox's 
book of Martyrs, Bishop Jewel's works, and some 
part of Dr. Willet's^, with many others. But this 
was not the worst of it. ** John Warton and John 
Lilburne (who made a figure afterwards by opposing 
even Cromwell himself) were brought into the Star- 
chamber, and ordered to be examined upon interrogar 
tories, touching their printing contrary to the above- 
mentioned decree; and they refusing to take an oath 
to answer to interrogatories, were sentenced to go 
back to the Fleet, and there remain till they complyed 
with the orders of the court; to pay 500/. each to hiai 
majesty, and be bound with sureties for their good 
behaviour. And to the end, that others may be the 
more deterred from daring to offend in the like kind 
hereafter, the court further ordered and decreed, that 
the said John Lilburne should be whipt through the 
istreets, from the prison of the Fleet to thie piUory 
[placed between Westminster-hall-^te and the Stal*- 
chamber]; and that he and Warton should be bothiif 
them set in the said pillory^ 'and from thence be tcIm 
turned to the Fleets thare to remain according to the 
said decree*." 

* Kushworth, toI. IL p. 463. ^ CaDterbary's Boome, p. 184. 

See a passage of Sir Edward JDering's, in the note 38. f Rusbn 

trorth, to). IL p. 4S5, 

VOL. II. rr 


2:— lflJ5Wui*£a? ■ " ■ ^'^ " •.■.*-2 

M—^i^— ——<■—— 111 iiiaiiiii^ 


If we now turn our eyes to the admi*- 
nistration of civil affairs, we shall find 
it far enough from being commendable. 

'^ This sentence was executed with the utmost 
rigour on Lilburne, who was smartly whipt from the 
Fleet to Westminster." But Lilburne had an un* 
conquerable spirit. — " Whilst he was whipt at the 
cart, and stood in the pillory, he uttered many bold 
speeches against the tyranny of bishops, &c. and when 
his head was in the hole of the pillory, he scattered 
sundry copies of pamphlets (said to be seditious), and 
tossed them among the people, taking them out of 
his pocket; whereupon the court of Star-chamber 
(then sitting), being informed, immediately ordered 
fiilburne to be gagged during the residue of the time 
he was to stand in the pillory, which was done accord- 
ingly ; and when he could not speak, he stamped with 
bis feet, thereby intimating to the beholders, he would 
still speak, were his mouth at liberty." This bold 
behaviour only provoked the merciless court the more : 
for it immediately decreed, '^ That Lilburne should be 
laid alone with irons on his hands and legs in the wards 
of the Fleet, where the basest and meanest sort of 
prisoners are naed to be put." This Mr. Hume, with 
his usual exadJiess, says, was in consequence of his 
being '^ biroBght to his trj;al anew ""•" 

It was moreover ordered, '^ That hereafter all persons 
tkat shall be produced to receive corporal punishment, 
iCMiiding to sentence of that court, shall have their 
nrments seanju^ before they be bright; forth, and 
O^ither writing nor other thing suffered to be about 
them, and their hands likewise to be bound during 
the time they are under punishment**.*' 

* History of Great Bfitain, p. 316. > Rushworth, vol. II. p. 467. 

^^SA',VLXAv•^^.•.^JJ sa»w>t.«.'.i.^-^-« . , .»^ 


Charles entertained very high notions of 

Lilburne underwent this likewise, though of a 
genteel family, and a man far above the vulgar in 
point of understanding. What shall we think of such 
government , as this! These punishments were fitter 
for Russian boors, used from their infancy to the 
whip, than for Englishmen who had been trained up 
under mild laws, and a gentle government. Thank 
God, the times are altered, or we never had had sq 
many admirable discourses on religion and liberty! 

Mikon, in his most excellent speech for the liberty 
of unlicensed printing, speaking of the popish Impri- 
maturs, observes, that ^^ sometimes five Imprimaturs 
are seen together dialogue-wise in the piatza of one- 
title-page, complimenting and ducking each to other 
with their shaven reverences, whether the author, who 
stands by in perplexity at the foot of his epistle, shall 
to the press or to the sponge. These,*' continues he^ 
^^ are the pretty responsories; these are the dear anti«* 
phonies, that so bewitched of late our prelates and 
their chaplains with the goodly eccho they miadef 
and besotted us to the gay imitation of a lordly IiB<^ 
primatur, one from Lambeth-house, another from tbft^ 
west end of St. Paul's; so apishly romanizing, fiUfi^ 
the word of command was still set down in Latiiiy at' 
if the learned grammatical pen that wrote, it, would 
cast no ink without Latin; or perhaps, as they thought, 
because no vulgar tongue was worthy to express the 
pure conceit of an Imprimatur: hut rather, as I hope^ 
for that our English, the language i of men ever 
famous and foremost in the atchievements of liberty, 
will not easily, find servile letters enow to spell such a 
dictatory presumption Englished */' 

I will condade this note with the words of a gentle* 

* Miltoa's Prose W6rlDB» toI. I. {>. 15d. 
T 2 

-''■•-^'•- '■^"-'^^"■•'''■n 

«^MW"- -. . ##_,■■•■. • Vy 


the regal power *\ He thought himself 

inan, now ia a high station. " It will not be denied, 
that our ecclesiastical affairs were under a meer clericai 
administration from the year 1628 to the meeting of 
the long parliament. A period remarkably infamous 
for a series of weak, angry, ill-concerted measures: 
measures calculated to beget in weak minds a venera- 
tion towards the hierarchy; but executed with a pe- 
dantick severity, which produced a quite contrary 
effect. Certain enthusiastick conceits concerning the 
external beauties of religion, and the necessity of a 
general uniformity in the business of holy garments, 
holy seasons, significant gestures, church utensils and 
ornaments, seem to have been the ruling principles of 
those times. These filled the gaols with churclwari- 
minals, and sent thousands of our most useful hands 
to seek their bread in foreign paits. Through the in- 
fluence these principles had on our spiritual governors, 
multitudes of learned and conscientious preachers were 
silenced, and exposed at once to the two greatest trials 
which can befall human nature^ publick infamy, and 
remediless want. These principles alone, and a con- 
. duct on our part suited to them, broke our union with 
the reformed churches abroad, and fomented a war in 
Scotland : which, together with a general alienation of 
affections at home, occasioned in great measure by a 
rigorous exercise of ecclesiastical discipline, prepared 
things for that scene of misery, which ended in the 
ruin of our constitution. These were the effects of 
an administration purely sacerdotal, in matters com- 
nionly called spiritual*." 

^* Charles entertained very high notions of the 
regal power.] Here are my proofs. "While Harring- 
top (author of the celebrated Oceana) waited on bis 

» Eicammatioii of the Codfx, {i. 72. 2d edit Ijond. 1735. 8to. 



accountable only unto God, and that his 

majesty at Holdenby/' says Wood, " his majesty loved 
bis company, and did chuse rather (finding him to be 
an ingenious man) to discourse with him, than with 
others of the chamber. They had often discourses 
concerning government; but when they happened to 
talk of a commonwealth, the king seemed not to 
endure it'." And against the levellers and anti- 
monarchists, he wrote in one of his books these lines 
from the poet : 

** Fallltur evregio qiiisquis sub prinoipc credit 
Servitium Nunquara libcrtas gratior extat 
Qtiam sub rege pio. •*** 

But to give an authority most unquestionable, his 
majesty publicly avowed, in a speech to the lords and 
commons, " That he owed an account of his actions 
to none but God alone ^." — And in one of his papers 
to Henderson, he says, " I hold it absolutely unlawful 
for subjects (upon any pretence whatsoever) to make 
war (though defensive) against their lawful sovereign '^.^ 
And on his trial he affirmed, " That a king cannot be 
tried by any superiour jurisdiction on earth **." And 
again: '* 1 do not know how a king can be a delin* 
quent." And afterwards he asserts, " That the autho* 
rity of obedience to kings is clearly warranted, and 
strictly commanded, both in the Old and New Testa- 
ment; which if denied, continued he, I am ready in- 
stantly to prove. And for the question now in hand, 
there it is said, that where the word of a king is, there 
is power; and who may say unto him, What do'st 
thou? Eccl. viii. 4. Theft for the law of this land, I 
am no less confident, that no learned lawyer will af- 
firm that an impeachment can lye against the king, 

* Wood's Athens, ▼o^ II. p. 588. ^ Dugda1e>s short View, p. 383. 
Kio|^ Charles's Works, p. 1 64. ' Id. p, £7. MO. p. 1 94. 


, subjects, by the divine law, ought not to 

they all going in his name; and one of dieir maxims 
is, That the king can do no wrong**" iThese were the 
sentiments of Charles, which he learned at the feet of 
Gamaliel, as he styles his father**, " who, if his ghost," 
says he to Henderson, " should now speak, he would 
tell you, that a bloody reformation was never lawful, 
as not warranted by God's word, and that preces 8f 
lacryma $unt arma eccksia^." So that lord Boling- 
broke was probably right in saying, *' This prince had 
sucked in with his milk those absurd principles of 
government, which his father was so industrious, and, 
unhappily for king and people, so successful in propa- 
gating. H^ found them espoused, as true principles 
■both of religion and policy, by a whole party in the 
nation, whom he esteemed friends to the constitution 
in church and state. He found them opposed by a 
party, whom he looked on indiscriminately as enemies 
to the church and to monarchy. Can we wonder that 
he grew zealous in a cause, which he understood to 
concern him so nearly, and in which be saw so many 
men, who had not the same interest, and might there- 
fore be supposed to act on a principle of conscience, 
equally zealous ? Let any one, who hath been deeply 
and long engaged in the contests of party, ask himself, 
on cool reflection, whether prejudices, concerning men 
and things, have not grown up and strengthened with 
him, and obtained an uncontroulable influence over 
bis conduct? We dare appeal to the inward senti- 
ments of every such person.— With this habitual biass 
upon him, king Charles came to the throne ; and to 
compleat the misfortune, he bad given all his confi- 
dence to a madman**.** This seems the best apology 

• King Charles's Works, p. 196. *> Id. p. 159. ^ Id. p. 80. 

"* Craftsman, vol. VII. p. 391. 


u^.^.L^^ «--..tJ.'.A» ^x:^\%\,^^'J'-MK.^.'» « ^ iJ. >^ %J.SVi<IWtf i,i»rtJT^Mi^'i 


resist his will. In consequence hereof, he 

for Charles on this head: Mr- Hume's is of a like 
nature*. " However/' as Gordon well observes, '^ it 
is a poor and contemptible ambition in a prince, 
that of swelling his prerogative, and catching at ad- 
vantages over his people: it is separating himself from 
the tender relation of a father and protector, a character 
which constitutes the glory of a king ; and assuming 
that of a foe and an enemy. This is what a prince of 
a great and benevolent spirit will consider ; not himself 
as a lordly tyrant, nor them as his property and slaves; 
but himself and them, under the amiable and engaging 
ties of magistrate and fellow-citizens. Such was the 
difference between a queen Elizabeth and Richard the 
second : how glorious and prosperous the reign of the 
one, how infamous and unhappy that of the other! 
What renown accompanies her memory, what scorn 
his ! It is indeed apparent from our history, that those 
of our princes who thirsted most violently after 
arbitrary rule, were chielfly such as were remarkable 
for poor spirit and small genius, pedants, bigots, the 
timorous and effeminate*." 

It were to be wished all princes had -the following 
lines, which beautifully set forth the duty and office of 
a king, engraved on the. tables of their hearts. They 
are put into the mouth of Jesus, and are worthy of his 
benevolent mind. 

What if with like avenioB f fqfeei 
Riches and realms; yet not for fliat a crown 
Golden in show, is but a wreath of thomiy 
Brings dangers, troubles, cares, and sleepkH luglits 
To him who wears the regal diadem. 
When on his sboalders each maift burden liesi 

* Hume's Political Discourses, p. 266. 8vo. in the note, Edkbaiigb, 
1752. See also his History of Great Britain, vol. L p. 118, in the note, 
^ Discourses upon Tkcitus, voL IV. p. 2S7. 


thought contemptuously of parliaments *% 

For therein stands the oifice of a king, 

nis honor, virtnc, merit, and chief praise. 

That for the pnblic all this weight he bears. 

Yet he who reigns within himself, and niks 

Passions, desires, and fears, is more a king; 

Which ercry wise and virtuous man attains: 

And who attams not, ill aspires to rule 

Cities of men, or headstrong multitudes. 

Subject himself to anarchy within. 

Or lawless passions in him which he serves ; 

But to guide nations in the way of truth 

By saring doctrine, and from error lead 

To know, and knowing worship God aright. 

Is yet more kingly ; this attracu the soul. 

Governs the inner man, the nobler part ; 

That other o'er the body only reigns. 

And oft by force, which, to a generous mind 

So reigning, can be no fcinccre delight. miltoii. 

^ He thought contemptuously of parliaments, &c.] 
In his speech to the lords and commons at Whitehall, 
March 29, 1626, we have the following paragraph: 
*' Remember that parliaments are altogether in my 
power for their calling, sitting, and dissolution; there- 
fore as 1 find the fruits of them good or evil, they are 
tQ continue, or not to be. And remember that if in 
this time, instead of mending your errors, by delay 
you persist in your errors, you make them greater 
apd irreconcileable : wher^, on the other side, if you 
go on chearfully to mend them, and look to the dis- 
tressed state of Christendom, and the affairs of the 
kingdom, as it lyeth now by this great engagement, 
you will do yourselves honor, you shall encourage me 
to go on with parliaments, and I hope all Christendom 

shall feel the good of it*,** Charles seemed to have 

forgot that there were statutes then in being for annual 
parliaments. But if there had not, ** the power of 

" King Charles*^ Works, p. 161. 


treated many of the members of, it with 

assembling and dismissing the legislative, placed ia 
the executive, gives not the executive a superiority 
over it ; but is a fiduciary trust reposed in him, for the 
safety of the people, in a case where the uncertainty 
and variableness of huuian affairs could not bear a 
steady fixed rule. For it not being possible, thatji^e ^' 
first framers of the government should, by any f^ie- 
sight, be so much masters of future ievents, as tc^be 
able to prefix so just periods of return and duration to 
the assemblies of the legislative, in all times to come^. 
that might exactly answer all the exigencies of tfee. 
commonwealth; the best remedy could be found for 
this defect, was to trust this to the prudence of om^ 
who was always to be present, and whose business it 
was to watch over the public good. Constant frequent; 
meetings of the legislative, and long continuations <^^ 
their assemblies, without necessary occasion^ could 
not but be burthensome to the people, and mas( 
necessarily in time produce more dangerous incoiH^ 
veniences, and yet the quick turn of affairs 
sometimes such as to need their present help: Jay 
delay of their convening might endanger the public; 
and sometimes too their business might be so great^ 
that the limited time of their sitting might be too 
short for their work, and rob the public of that benefit 
which could be had only from their mature delibera- 
tions. What then could be done, in this case, to pre».^ 
vent the community from being exposed sometime 
or other to eminent hazard^ on one side or the other,i 
by fixed intervals and periods, set to the meeting and 
acting of the legislative, but to intrust it to the priH: 
dence of some, who, being present, and acquainted : 
with the state of public affairs, might make use of 
this prerogative for the public good? And wh^re else. 


iM.K:.xxt.i.- t.-..^«.-wiB.-.»— - .■..•■•.■■■'■/v-- •■: --■ :__:.:^1 


reproachful words, even publicly and in 

could this be 30 well placed as in his hands, who was 
iQtrusted with the execution of the laws for the same 
end i Thus supposing the regulation of times for the 
assembling and sitting of the legislative, not settled 
by the original constitution, it naturally fell into the 

\ji; bands of the executive, not as an arbitrary power de- 
pending on his good pleasure ; but with this trust, ai* 
ways to have it exercised only for the public weal, as 
the occurrences of times and change of affairs might 
require *." This reasoning is worthy of the English- 
mail and philosopher. 

I now return to the subject. His majesty, in a 
speech to the speaker of the house of commons of his 
second parliament, 1625-6, tells him, " I must let you 
know, that I will not allow any of my servants to be 
questioned among you ; much less such as are of 
eminent place, and near unto me V And in a speech 
to the lords and commons, at his opening of his third 

, imrliament, March 7, 1627-8, he, among other things, 
tlms declared his sentiments. — ** In this time of 
coinmon danger I have taken the most antient, speedy, 
and best way for supply, by calling you together. If 
(which God forbid) in not contributing what may 
answer the quality of my occasions, you do not your 
duties, it shall suffice I have done mine: in the con- 
science whereof I shall rest content, and take some 
other course, for which God hath empowered me, to 
save that which the folly of particular men might 
liazard to lose. Take not this as a menace (for I scorn 
to threaten any but my equals), but as an admonition 
from him who is tied, both by nature and duty, to 
provide for your preservations*,"— When Bucking- 

* Lodw on Government, p. 247. 8vo. Lond. 1728. ^ King 

Charloi'* Works, p. 161. * Id. p. 162. 

kVMXJfc%^^«AM Mm%i'U^S-*-'x^^« . .^ ,yf w^^'t. 


the face of the world ; violated their known 
and fundamental privileges ; imprisoned 
their persons ; sealed up their studies ; and 
procured heavy fines to be laid on them by 

ham was fallen upon by the commons^ and many 
members had spoken sharply against him, the king 
went to the house of lords, and told them, " The 
cause, the only cause of his coming thither, was to ex- 
press the sense he had of all their honors ; for he that 
toucheth any of you," said he, '' toucheth me in a very 
great measure. I have thought fit to take order for the 
punishing some insolent speeches lately spoken: I 
have been too remiss heretofore in punishing sm^ 
speeches as concern myself. Not that I was greedy of 
their monies, but that Buckingham, through his im- 
portunity, would not suffer me to take notice of them, 
lest he might be thought to have set me on, and that 
he might come the forwarder to his tryal *." 

I will add but one passage more from his speech to 
the house of lords, at the dissolving of his third parlia- 
ment, March 10, 1628-9. Taking notice of the house 
of commons, he says, " Some few vipers among 
them cast this mist of undutifulness over most of their 
eyes;" — and then tells them in like words^ "These 
vipers must look for their reward of punishment**." 
He was as good as his word ; for those who opposed 
him in parliament, or sugh as he feared would not com- 
ply with him there, felt heavy marks of his displeasure. 
*^ Sir Dudley Diggs, and Sir John Elliott, were com- 
mitted to the Tower for words spoken in the house 
against Buckingham S'' And the commons having 
" voted the seizing Mr. Rolles's goods (a member of 
the house) to be a breach of privilege, a hot debate was 

* King Charles's Works, p. 161. . ^ Id. p. 166. * Whitloclb 

.:M.-^i.7X'^i^.'^^>,^ii^yt!-jiv— v.v;:^.-^' :-:■■:■• '. 


his judges. A judgment in the opinion of 
succeeding parliaments illegal, and against 
the freedom and privilege of parliament. 
All these violations of the rights and pri- 

npon it: the speaker being called upon to put the 
question proposed, said he durst not ; for the king had 
commanded the contrary. The house in some dis- 
turbance adjourn to a day ; and then being met again, 
they wish the speaker to put the former question ; but 
he refused, and said he had a command to adjourn the 
bouse *.'^ — Upon the dissolution of the parliament, 
* warrants of the council issued for Hollis, Selden, 
Hobart, Elliott, and other parliament-men [nine in 
tnimber], to appear before them : Hollis, Curriton, 
Elliott, and Valentine appeared; and refusing to an- 
swer out of parliament, for what was said and done in 
parliament, they were committed close prisoners to the 
Tower; and a proclamation for apprehending others 
went out, and some of their studies sealed up**. In- 
formations were exhibited by the attorney-general 
against these gentlemen in the Star-chamber, and in the 
King's Bench ; in the latter of which judgment was 
given against them. That they should be imprisoned, 
and not delivered till they had given security for their 
good behaviour, and make a submission and acknow- 
fedgment of their offences : and they were also fined ^.'* 
Elliott was fined 2000 /. Hollis 1000 marks, and Valen- 
tine 500/*^.'* Elliott; refusing to give security, was 
detained many years in prison, where he ended his 
days, and was looked on as a martyr by the people. 
This judgment was declared afterwards by the par- 
liament, in 1641, to be against law and privilege of 

• Whitlock, p. 12. ^ Id. p. 13. * W. p. U. " Rnsh- 

portb, vol. I. p. 691 ; Croke's Hoj^drti, pait Sd. p. 182. ftl. Lond- 1 68a;i 

CHARLES 1/ fi8« 

vileges of the legislative body, were offered 
in aflftut three years after Charles ascended 
the throne. In this period three parlia- 
ments being dissolved by him, he issued a 

parliament ; and very handsome sums were ordered to 
be paid out of the public money to the confessors for-, 
public liberty. But by a strain of generosity uncoa!l-< 
mon, Mr. Hollis refused the 5000/. voted him, and said 
he would not receive a penny till the public debts were 
paid. He only received 1000 marks fine imposed on 
him, which he had laid down in ready money, and this 
only because his whole estate had been kept from him 
in the west for three years. Some of the other gentle- 
men refused to receive what was given them*. It 
were to be wished our modem patriots inherited a like 
public spirit. 

Jt is very remarkable, that this judgment given 
against Hollis, 8cc. was, by the lords and commons in 
parliament assembled, in Dec. 1667, also declared " to 
be an illegal judgment, and against the freedom and 
privilege of parliament. And it was ordered by the 
lords. That Denzil Hollis, then lord Hollis, be desired 
to cause the roll of the court of King's Bench, wherein 
the said judgment is recorded, to be brought before the 
lords in parliament by a writ of error, to the end that 
jiuch further judgment|^jaui|r be given upon the said 
case, as this house shdlrSxid meet : which being by 
him accordingly done, th'ie^ jdiginint was reversed \" — 
Nor were the privileges of the commons alone violated 
by this prince. Such of the house of peers as were 
displeasing to him, or his favpurite, suffered very great 
oppressions. Williams, bishop of Lincoln, was not 

' Memoirs of Denzil Lord Hollis, p. 1 40. 8vo. Lond. 1 699. *» Crokt'i 

Reports, part 3d^p. 00^^610. 


UXXJfltl ■ y'^^*^""-'"^"' - ""V ' ' ■ ' ' •' "■ ^ST 



proclamation for suppressing false rumours 
toucliing parliaments, in which he dedAred, 
" he should count it presumption for any 
to prescribe any time to him for parlia- 

summoned to parliament till he had complained thereof 
to the king, who then granted it ; but for fear of dis- 
pleasing he appointed a proxy. And in the next par- 
liament the lord keeper Coventry, by order, writ to him 
to dissuade him from appearing at it, with which he 
thought not proper then to comply *, though if he had, 
he might possibly have escaped some of his after-trou- 
bles from the court. " The earl of Bristol's writ was 
stopped, after he had been confined to his house two 
years; who thereupon petitioned the lords for his 
right of peerage, to have a writ to attend the house, 
and that he might be brought to his tryal in parliament. 
Whereupon the lords prayed the king, that Bristol, 
and other lords, whose writs were stopped, might have 
their writs ; and they had them : but Bristol by peti- 
tion to the lords, acquainted them, that he had received 
his writ to attend the parliament; but withal a letter 
missive from the lord keeper, signifying his majestie's 
pleasure, that he should forbear coming to the parlia- 
ment^. — ^And fhe lords were discontented at the com- 
mitment of the earl of Arundel, about his son's marriage 
witK tl)e duke of Lenox hit ijster ; and with breaches,) 
of their priviledges ; and Upon me release of Sir Dudley 
Diggs and Sir John Bllidit, ffae lords petitioned the 
king for the earl of Arundd's release. The king sept 
a message that he was committed for personal misde- 
meanours against the kiin^, and not for any matters of 
parliament. The earl of Arundel had five proxies, 
which were lost by his imprisonment, and no precedent 

■ Phillips's life of Williams, p. 1 93. ^ V^hitlock, p. 4. 



ments; the calling, continuing, and dis- 
solving of which, says he, is always in our 
own power*/' From this time the sub- 
ject underwent a thousand oppressions *"*• 

was found of any peer committed, sitting the parlia- 
ment, except that of the hishop of Winchester, in 
Edward the Third's time. The house of lords voted 
(nemine cotitradicente). That no lord ought to be com- 
mitted, sitting the parliament, except for treason^ 
felony, or breach of the peace. And in pursuaooe 
hereof they voted a remonstrance to the king to declare 
their right, and to his majesty to release the earl of 
Arundel. But they petitioned and petitioned in vain, 
till at length the king, finding them bent on the earFs 

liberty, discharged him^." Abbot, archbishop of 

Canterbury, also, having been loiig slighted at court, 
fell under the king's '* high displeasure, for refusing to 
license Sibthorp's sermon ; and not long after he was 
sequestred from his office, and a commission was 
granted to five bishops, one of which was Laud, to exe- 
cute archiepiscopal jurisdiction^." 

Some other flagrant instances of the violatioti of the 
privileges of parliament, I shall have occasion hereafter 
to take notice of: at present these shall suffice. 

^^ From this time the subject underwent a thousand 
oppressions.] Charles, from the commencement of his 
reign, had been guilty of great acts of oppression, as 
will appear from the following passages in a most un- 
exceptionable writer. 

*' In the year 1625, he sent out his letters to the lord 
lieutenants of counties, touching a general loan of 
money to him*^." And in 1626, " the king i^uired\ 

* King Charles's Works, p. 231. »» Whitlock, p. G, « Rush- 

worth, Yol. L p. 431. «» Whitlock, p. 2. , 

•rtfvwirr- -AmiUn- ^..^ ■ • • '-r 

..., „] 



Loans and benevolences were exacted with-* 
out pretence of law, and gentlemen of dis- 
tinction were imprisoned, and otherwise ill 
treated, for refusing to contribute to them. 

loan of money, and sent to London and the port-towns 
to furnish ships for guard of the seas.—London being 
rated twenty ships, desired an abatement: the council 
denied it; and in answer to their precedents, said. 
That the precedents in former times were obedience, 
aiM not direction. A benevolence was likewise requir- 
ed *. — To the imposing of loans was added the billeting 
of soldiers ; martial law was executed, and the soldiers 
committed great outrages. Sir Randal Crew, chief- 
justice, not favouring the loan, was put out of his place. 
— Some who refused to lend money to the king, were 
forced to serve in the king's ships then going forth; 
and refusers in the country, were some of them com- 
mitted, and the meaner sort pressed to serve as 
soldiers. — The gentlemen here, who refused to pay 
the loan, were confined in other counties, and in close 
imprisonment, and some of them in common gaols: 
Sir John Elliott, one of them, in a petition to the king, 
sets forth the illegality of the loan, or of any tax, with- 
out parliament; taking this way to inform the king 
what his council did not; and he alledgeth his con- 
science not to submit to it, and prays his liberty ; but 
could not obtain it. Sir Peter Haiman, another re- 
fuser, was sent upon an errand, as far as the Palati- 
nate V And lord Haughton, in a letter to Su* Thomas 
Wentworth, dated St. Bartlemews, May 19, 1CQ7, 
writes, " Sir Harbottle Grimstone of Essex was laid up 
last weet: his neighbours of Chelmsford, the six poor 
tradesmen, stand out stiffly, notwithstanding the many 

* Whitlock, p. 7. ^ Id. p. 8. 


Tunnage and poundage were taken with- 
out any consent of parliament, and such as 
would not submit to tlie payment of them, 

threats and promises made tbem ; which made one say, 
that honour, that did use toresidein thehead, was now, 
like the gout, got into the toot '." — These proceedings 
were looked OD as very grievous and illegal; and 
therefore, in order to prevent the renewal of them, the 
petition of right was first framed, and after much 
chicanery and many struggles on the king's part, past 
into a law. The enacting clauses in this important 
law are these: " That no man hereafter be compelled 
to make or yield any gift, loan, benevolence, tax or 
such like charge, without common consent by act of 
parliament ; and that none else be called to make an- 
swer, or take such oath, or to give attendance, or to 
be confined, or otherwise molested or disquieted con- 
cerning the same, or for refusal thereof. And that no 
freeman, in any such manner, as is before mentioned, 
be imprisoned or detained. And that your majesty 
will be pleased to remove the said soldiers and mari- 
ners, and that your people iDay not be so burtheaed in 
time to come. And that alt commissions for pro- 
ceeding by martial law, may be revoked and annulled j 
and that hereafter no commissions of like nature may 
issue forth lo any persons whatsoever, to be executed ' 
as aforesaid, lest, by colour of them, any of your n 
jestie'a subjects be destroyed or put to death, contrary 
to the laws and franchise of the land. All which, say 
the lords and commons, they most humbly pray of your 
most excellent majesty, as their rights and liberties,, 
according to the laws and statutes of this realm ; and 
that your nuijesty would also vouchsafe to declare, 

• Slrafibrde'^ Letten, rol. I. p. 36. 



had their goods seized, their persons impri- 
soned, and heavy fines imposed on them. 
Arbitrary fines also were laid on such as 

That ihe awards, doingi, and proceedings to the pre- 
judice of your people in any of the premises, shall not 
be drawn hereafter into consequence or example. And 
that your majesty will be also graciously pleased, for 
the further comfort and safety of your people, to de- 
clare your royal will and pleasure, That in the things 
aforesaid, all your officers and ministers shall serve you 
according to the laws and statutes of this realm, as they 
tender the honour of your majesty, and the prosperity 
of this kingdom'." — No law could be more clearly 
and strongly expressed than this, none less liable to an 
evasion. But though Charles gave his royal assent to 
il, he soon broke it, to his own dishonour and his sub- 
jects' grief. Tunnage and poundage were taken by him 
without grant by parliament, and some merchants were 
committed for not paying it. Mt. Rolles's goods were 
seized, thougli a member of parliament, OH the same 
account, by the cusiomere, who insolently declared, 
* if all the parliament were concerned in the goods, 

^ Ihey would seize them." And being questioned by 
e house for taking ihe goods of parliament-men, they 
boldness answered, " That they conceived no 
ilege of parliament was in tlie case." This dislast- 
l the commons, the king sent a message, " That 
That the customers did was by his order, and that he 
would not have his partimilar interest severed from that 
of hi» servants, who'acted by his eommandV Of 
Bnall ft)rce were laws in the opinion of this prince we 
>e, andKttle was iheir authority valued by him, though 

L- be liimself bad assented to them ! — Chambets, wh» 

• SWL 3 Cai. c, i. Mct. 10, 11, » Wbitlock, p. 10. 


had neglected to take on them the order of 
knighthood, at his majesty's coronation;- 
monopolies were created, in a manner, of 

had denied payment of the customa, as Mot given by 
parliament, was afterwards proceeded against in the 
Star-chamber, fined 2000/. and ordered to malte aalib- 
mission, which, with the fortitude of a Roman, he re- i 
fused! But the officers of the customs had detained 
70fiO/. of his goods; he himself was imprisoned si* 
years in the Fleet; and though by the commons, irt 
lfl40, ordered 13,680/. in pan of reparation for his suP- 
^ings in this cause, and his nine months' impri- 
^(mment in l6.'^7, for withstanding ship-money; yet, ■ 
to their very great disgrace, he was put off from tinlfe . 
to time; till wearied out by delays, he was reduced ttJ 
a low estate and conditioD, and died iti 1(358, aged 
about seventy'. 

" Mr. Vassal also was brought Into the Exchequer, 
for not paying tunnage and pouhdage: he pleaded 
Magna Charta, and the statute de Tallagio non conce^ 
denda; and that this imposition was not by assent in 
parliament. The barons refused to hear his council, 
gave judgment against him, and imprisoned him '"." — 
" After the dissolution of that parliament, wherein the 
abovementioned petition of right was granted, England 
was governed for twelve yeats without a parliament,— 
Tunnage and poundage were continued without any 
consent of parliament; the book of rates upon mer- 
chants' goods i*ere enhanced, and the collection of 
them enforced out of the course of ordinary courts of 
jfistice. The next design," says Rushworth, " for 
money was, by proclamation, to revive an obsolete law 
about blighthood; under colour whereof summons 

■ Wlillock, p. 13. 



all sorts of commodities ; and the bounds 
of the forests were enlarged, to the unspeak- 
able damage of many persons of the best 

were sent throughout the kingdom, to every man pos- 
sessed for three years of 40/, fer Annum, who did not 
appear before the king at his coronation to be made a 
knight, to submit Co such fines as they could compound 
for; and James Maleverer, of Arncljff, in the county 
of York, Esq; put himself upon the judgment of the 
court of Exchequer, what fine they should think fit to 
impose upon him: bat the court doubting the law 
would not bear them out, refused that regular course 'of 
imposing a fine, and put the party submitting, to go 
and compound with commissioners in the country, 
contrary to the intent of the law. Another advice to 
advance the king's revenue, was, to grant patents un- 
der the great seal ; by which monopolies were created, 
in a manner, of all sorts of commodities \ as soap, salt, 
wine, leather, sea-coal, cards, pins, even to the sole 
gathering of rags ; which projects were countenanced 
with the name of Incorporations. Another advice was 
given to raise a revenue for the king, by granting of 
commissions under the great seal for offenders to com- 
pound; and the better to effect the same, some ex- 
amples were made by sentence in the high court of 
Star-chamber, against several persons, to pay great 
fines, as for depopulations, nusances in building be- 
tween high and low water-mark, for pretended en- 
croachments u pon the forests, with other things of that 
nature : and accordingly commissions were issued out, 
and offeoders in that kind did compound, which brought 
in a considerable revenue"."' Let not the reader think 
these were small matters. For from what follows it ap- 

!e Rushworlh's Pfcfice to bis 2d t»1. 

quality. - And lastly, says lord Clarendon, 
" for a spring and magazine that should 
have no bottom, and for an everlasting sup- 
ply of all occasions, a writ was framed in 

pears they were great grievances, abominable haicl- 
shipa, Mr. Garrard, in a letter to tbe lord deputy 
Wentworth, dated London, Nov. 10, 1634, has the 
following words: — " Whitfield is made a serjeant, but 
not the king's : he bath received this addition for the 
service he bath done at Dean Forest, and for a later in 
Essex ; for they would have brought all Essex, from 
Stratford-Bow to Colchester, to be forest. 'Tis not 
yet judged; for the gentlemen of that county bein^ 
unprepared for a defence, they have time given tlien 
nntil the 20lh of February; then the justice in eyre 
will set again. If then they cannot free themselves, 
they must for ever submit themselves to forest law, 

" One Sir Anthony Roper of Kent, was fined in the 
Star-chamber for depopulations four thousand pounds, 
to the relator one hundred pounds, to the parson of 
his parish one hundred pounds, and to the poor of the 
same parish one hundred pounds : he is enjoined also 
to repair those houses he hath demolished within two 
years, to let his farms at reasonable rates : if he should 
dye in the interim, yet is he obliged to have these 
things performed, and not to come forth of prison till 
he hath given security for the true performance of 
every part of this censure '." The same gentleman, ia 
a letter to the same, dated April 14, 1635, tells him, 
" Tbe justice-scat in Essex bath been kept this Easter- 
week, and all Essex is become forest ; and so, they say^ i 
nill all t^e counties of England but three, Kent, iiat- 
ry, and Snakw **."— ^reat complaint was made agaiiigt 

' SUaffoide^ Lrtten, tdI. L p. 335, 



form of law, and directed to the sheriff of 
every county of England, to provide a ship 
. of war for the king's service, and to send it 
amply provided and fitted, by such a day 

these pracefldinga of the justice in eyre in EascK. " It 
was alleiiged by the country, th^t the meett^, meeis, 
limits, and h«unds of forests, were adjudged by them 
to extend further than they were taken to be in the 
20th year of king James, and contrary to those bounds 
by which the country h,ad enjoyed them near the space 
of SOO years. Complahit was also niade that the said 
court, to effect their design, did unlawfully procure 
undue returns to he made by jurora, in joining with 
tliem other persons who were pot sworn; the court 
also using threatening speeches to make them give a 
verdict for the king. And when the country, who 
thought themselves hardly dealt withal, did desire to 
traverse the proceedings against them, having just 
cause against the evidence, yet the court denied the 
same, except what they should verbally speak ; wherc- 
npon the council for the country told the juptioe-^eat, 
that their proceedings were contrary to law, and to the 
charter of the liberties of the forests, and other char- 
ters, and divers acts of parliament. Nevertheless the 
court obtained a verdict for the king; at which tii»e 
the justice-seat was called by adjournment to sit, and 
continued sitting, to maintain and confirm the verdict 
given against the country. — By the sentence of the court 
many inhabitants were floed great sums of money, or 
forthwith depart from their houses and estates, and 
retire out of the forests ; for that they weie found, by 
verdict given against them, to have encroached upon 
the forests"," Soine more of these proceedings this 

• Eusbwortb, vol. HI. p. 1056, 


to such a place; and with that writ were 
sent to eacli sheriff instructions, that, in- 
stead of a ship, he should levy upon his 
county such a sum of money, and return the 

genLlenaan, in other letterg, informa liis lordship off "^ 
In a letter dated Petivorth, Oct. 3, lfi.S5, he aays^' ** 
" My lord of Holland, the 3d of October, is cooiniand* -w 
edto Winchester, to finish his justice-Beat for ihe New 
Forest, where more especially comes in question the 
manor of Beawly. My lord of Southampton hath 
been at court about it: it much concerns him in bts 
fortune; it yields him now from his Lenants 2500/. 3 
year: if it should prove forest, it would yield hut 
500 1, yearly. So that his French wife, with whom he 
had little, and this business, would utterly ruin him in 
his fortune. But lio^soever it go, 1 hope his majesty 
will be so merciful tohim,lhat he will confer some 
special marks of his favour to make him subsist, an4 
live hke an earl and peer of England '." 

I will add but a passage more from a letter of his, 
dated Sioo, Oct. 9i 1(>37) written to the same noble 

" About the 20th of September, my lord of Holland 
went to keep his great court of justice io eyre, both iq , 
fvorthamptonshire and Oxfordshire. Against Kockf J 
ingham forest were found many great trespassers: mj[ 3 
lord was assisted by five judges, Bridgraan, Fincb| ' 
Trevor, Jones, and Crawley, and those who were founi" 
faulty >vere soundly fined : my lord of Salisbury, : 
his father's faults, if he made any, for Brigslock parks, 
given him by queen Elizabeth, was fined 20,000/. but 
I hope he will come off; for 'tis said, if his council had 
been well informed by those servants of his who at- 


same to the treasurer of the navy for his 
majesty's use, with direction, in what man- 
ner he should proceed against such as re- 
fused : and from hence that tax had the 

tended the business, and had shewed in time ihose 
paidons wliich king James gave Robert earl of Salis- 
bury, when he came to the crown, he had escaped fin- 
ing; but now he is at the king's mercy. The earl of 
WestEioreland was fined 19000 ^ Sir Christopher Hat- 
ton 12OOOA my lord Newport SOOO/. Sir Lewis Wat- 
son 4O0O/. Sir Robert Bannister 3000/. my lord of 
Peterborough, my lord Brudenell, Sir Lewis Tresham, 
and others, little fines, which I omit. The bounds of 
the forest of Rockingham are incieased from six miles 
to sixty. The particulars of his proceedings in Ox- 
fordshire, I know not: it was no great matter he did 
there. My lord Danby whs fined 500/. which he hath 
sent in'." And that no orders or degrees should 
escape from oppression, there was at the same time 
" a commission in execution against cottagers, who 
have not four acres of ground laid to their houses, up- 
on a statute made 31 Eliz. which, saith Mr. Garrard, 
vexeth the poor people mightily, is far more burthen- 
some to them than the ship-moneys; all for the benefit 
of lord Morton, and the secretary of Scotland, the lord 
Stirling : much crytog out there is against it, espe- 
cially tecause mean, needy, and men of no good fame, 
prisoners in the Meet, are used as principal commission- 
ers to call the people before them, to fine and compound 
with them"." These facts will help us to form a tole- 
rable idea of part of the oppressions of this reign : 
oppressions usknown to the English nation, and whicft 
the king's best friends have been forced lo ackm 

"CHARLES I. 29? 

doiomination of ship-money '." This was 

ledge. Let us hear lord Clarendon. " Suppletnental 

acts of state were made to supply defects of laws ■ and 
80 tonnage and poundage, and all other duties upon 
merchandizes, were collected by order of the board, 
which had been positively refused to be settled by act 
of parliament, and new and greater impositions laid 
upon trade. Obsolete laws were revived, and ligdlP ] 
ously executed, wherein the subject might be taught 
how unthrifty a thing it was, by too strict a detaining 
of what was his, to put the king as strictly to enquire 
what was his own. By this ill-husbandry the kin^ 
received a vast sum of money from all persons of qua- 
lity, or indeed of any reasonable condition, throughout 
the kingdom, upon the law of knighthood; which ' 
though it had a foundation in right, yet, in the circunw 1 
stances of proceeding, was very grievous. And no | 
less unjust projects of all kinds, many ridiculous, man^ 
scandalous, all very grievous, were set on foot; the t 
envy and reproach of which came to the king, 
profit to other men: insomuch, that of two hundrt 
thousand pound drawn from the subject by these wayi 
in a year, scarce fifteen hundred came to the king's 
or account. To recompense the damage the crown J 
sustained by the sale of the old lands, and by the grant ' 
of new pensions, the old laws of tlie forest were i 
vived, by which not only great lines were imposed; 
but gte'at annual rents intended, and like to be settle* 
by way of contract, which burden lighted most up« 
persons' of quality and honour, who thought themselva 
above ordinary oppressions, and were therefore like t 
remember it with more sharpness '"." After this, 
can say any thing in justification of these measures ? J , 

vol. I. p, SB. 

» Id. vol. I. p. 67. 


aye the life of 

held very grievous by the nation*'; but was 

" Ship-money. This was held very grievous by the 
nation.] I will give an account of this affair in the 
word? of Mr. Whitiock. " The king, in the year 1634, 
finding the confroversy hegun (between the English 
and Dutch about the fishery), and that it must be main- 
tained by foice, which his want of money could not 
<l(^he, by the advice of his attorney Noy [who, froui 
a Beemingly zealous patriot, by court influence, was 
become a tool to destroy the liberties of his country], 
and of the lord keeper Coventry, who, as far as bis 
learning Jn those matters did extend, (and that was not 
far) did approve and asiist the project. And by advice 
of his privy council, and council learned, the king re- 
quires ship-money. The writ for it was at first but to 
maritime towns and counties; but that not suthelng, 
other writs were issued out to all counties to levy ship- 
monej'. Yet great care was taken to favour the clergy : 
all the rest of the people, except courtiers and ofiicers, 
geoerally murmur at this tax; although it was poli- 
ijckly laid with all equalily, yet the great objection 
against it was, because it was imposed without assent 
of parliament, and tlierefore it was unlawful'." — "The 
lord keeper Coventry was ordered to direct the judges 
to promote that business in their circuits this summer, 
and to persuade the people to a ready obeying the 
writs, and payments of ejiip-money for the next year. 
Ibis he did; and in consequence thereof som« fij the 
judges put on this business in their charges at the 
assizes, with great zeal and gravity, to advance the 
king's pleasure; but they did not convince many of the 
legality of that business. The privy-council also wrote 
let^lcTb to every high sheriff of England, directing them 

• Whitlotk, p. 33. 


submitted to for some time, though unwill- 

for the taxing, and levying of ship-moneyi and tliat 
with great care and equality, much beyond what was 
observed in following taxes. But the guilding of this 
illegal pill would not cause it to be swallowed downj 
but many people, especially of the knowing gentry, 
expressed great discontent at this new assessment, and 
burthen, as an imposition against law, and the rigbt^ 
of the subject"." However, the people submitted tQ it 
for a time; and it produced to his majesty, in the year 
1636, ^202,240 2*. 3d ^ — At last a man of spirit aroBe.i 
a patriot indeed, the ever-glorious John Hampden, who 
being assessed twenty shillings'^ on the account of ' 
ship-money, refused payment; it being, in his opinioni 
an illegal tax. " Whereupon the king was advised by 
the lord chief justice Finch, and others, to require the 
opinion of the judges, which he did, stating ^he cas^ 
in a letter to them. Aftfr much sollicitation by th* 
chief justice Finch, promising preferment to some, ^md 
highly threatening others whom he found doubting, a) 
themselves reported to me, he got from tlum, in an- 
BWer to the king's letter and case, cbeir opinion in these 
words : ' We are of opinion, that when the good and 
safety of the kingdom in geoeml is concerned, and the 
whole kingdom in danger, your majesty may, by writ 
under the great seal of England, command all your 
subjects of this your kingdom, at their charge, to pro- 
vide and furnish such number of ahip«, with men, 
victuals and ammunition, and for such lime as yoin 
majesty shall think fit, for the defence and safeguard of 
the kingdom, from such peril and danger. And that 
by law your majesty may compel the doing thereof, in 
case of refusal or refractoriness. And we axe also of 
opinion, that in such case your majesty is the sole 

' Whitlook, p. 21. 

" Rushwortli, rol. II. p. 3*4, • Id. y. 4S1. 



Mr. Hampden at'Ierign 





judge, both of the dangers, and when and how the same 
is to be prevented and avoided.' — This opinion was 
signed by Bramston, Finch, Davenport, Detiham, Hut- 
Ion, Jones, Croke, Trevor, Vernon, Berkley, Crawley, 
Weston. This opinion and subscription of the judges 
was enrcllpd in all the courts of Westminster, and 
much (hatasled many gentlemen of the country, and of 
their own profession, as a thing extrajudicial, unusual, 
and of very ill consequence in this great busmess, or in 
any other. Tlie king, upon this opinion of his judges, 
gave order for proceeding against Hampden in the Ex- 
chequer, where he pleaded; and the king's council de- 
murring, the point in law came to be argued for the 
king by his council, and for Hampden by his council ; 
and afterwards the judges particularlj' argued this great 
point at the Bench, and all of them (except Hulton 
and Croke) argued, and gave their judgments for the 
king. — But Hampden, and many others of quality and 
interest in their countries, were unsatisfied with this 
judgment, and continued to the utmost of their power 
in opposition to it; yet could not, at that time, give 
any further stop or hinderance to the prosecution of 
ihe business of ship-money'." — Thus, as lord Boling- 
broke justly observes, Charles's " government was not 
only carried on without law, or against law, but the 
judges were become the instruments of arbitrary 
power ^" — But this judgment of the judges, in the opi- 
nion of lord Clarendon, proved of more advantage and 
credit to the gentleman condemned (Mr. Hampden), 
than to the king's service ". — " My lord Finch's 
speech in the Exchequer-chamber," says the same no- 
ble writer, " made ship-money much more abhorred, and 

" CrafismoD, vol. VII. p. 393. ' ClimdoD, 



payment, the case was laid before the 

fonnidall^than all the commitments by the council- 
table, and all the distresses taken by the sheriffs in 
England : the major part of men (besides the common 
unconcernedness in other men's sufFerings) looking 
upon tiiose proceedings with a kind of applause to 
themselves, to see other men punished for not doing as 
they had done; which delight was quickly determined, 
when they found their own interest, by the unneces- 
sary logick of that argument, no less concluded than 
Mr. Hampden's'." And in another place he takes no- 
tice, that this pressure " of ship-money was borne with 
mucii more cheerfulness before the judgment for the 
king, than ever it was after; men before pleasing 
themselves with doing somewhat for the king's service, 
as a testimony of their affection, which they were not 
bound to do; many really believing the necegsity, and 
therefore thinking the burthen rMsonable; others ob- 
serving, that the advantage to the king was of import- 
ance, when the damage to them was not considerable; 
and all assuring themselves, that when they should be 
weary, or unwilling to continue the payment, they 
might resort to the law for relief, and find it. But 
when they heard this demanded in a court of law as a 
right, and found it, by sworn judges of the law, ad- 
judged so, upon such grounds and reasons as every 
stander-by was able lo swear was not law, and so had 
iost ibe pleasure and delight of being kind and dutiful 
to the king; and instead of giving, were required to 
pay, and, by a logick that left no man any thing which 
he miglut call his own, they no more looked upon it as 
the qasC' of one man, but the case of .the kingdom; not 
as an imposition laid upon them by the king, but by 
the judges ; which they thought themselves bound, in 

* Clarendon, vol. I. p. II. 


judges, who unanimously gave their 6pinioli 



conscience to the public justice, not to aiiUqh to. 
was an observation iong ago by Thiicydides, That men 
are much more passionate for injustice, than for vio- 
lence; because, says lie, the one coming as from an 
equal, seems rapine; when the other proceeding from' 
one stronger, is but the effect of necessity. So, when 
ship-money was transacted at the council-board, they 
looked upon it as the work of that power they were all 
obliged to trust, and an effect of that foresight they 
were naturally to rely upon. Imminent necessity and 
public safety were convincing persunsions; and it 
might not seem of apparent ill consequence to ibem, 
ihiU upon an emergent occasion the regal power should 
fill up an hiatus, or supply an impotency in the law. 
But when they saw in a court of law (Ihat law, that 
gave them a title to, and possession of all that they had) 
reason of state urged as elcmenta of law, judges as 
sharp-sighted as secretaries of state, and in the myste- 
ries of state; judgment of law grounded upon matter 
of fact, of which there was neither enquiry nor prouf; 
and no reason given for the payment of the tliirty 
[twenty] Bhillings in question, but what induded the 
estates of all the standers-by, they had no reason to 
hope that doctrine, or the promoters of it, would be 
contained between any bounds; and it la no Wonder 
that they who had do lilile reason to be pleased with 
their own condition, werfe no less solUcitous for, ^ ap- 
prehensive of, the inconveniences that might atfend 
*ny alteration '." 

The msuy just observations in this qilntatiuii Will he 
my apology for the length of it with the intelligent 
Wader, who froffl ftence will easily perceive how ille- 
gal and odious this ship-money was. 

■ Claicndan, toI. 1. p. 6?, 


in favour of the king. Whereupon orders 
were given to proceed against Hampden in 

I will add some particulars concerning this ship- 
money, for the information and entertainment of the 
reader. Mr. Garrard, in a letter to the lord-deputy 
■Wentwortli, dated Strand, Jan. II, 1634, has the fol- 
lowing passage. " In my last I advertised your lord- 
ship, that the mayor of London received some repri- 
mand, for being so slow in giving answer to the writ 
sent into the city about the shipping business: after- 
wards the city-council were called before the lords, 
and received some gentle check, or ratlier were admo- 
lushcd, to take heed how they advised the city in a 
(ftae so clear for the king, wherein his majesty had 
first advised with his learned counsel, and with his 
council of state* It wrought this effect, that they all 
yielded, and instantly fell to seizing in all the wards of 
London. It will coat the city at least thirty-five thou- 
sand pounds. They hoist up the merchant strangers; 
Sir William Curtyre three hundred and sixty pounds. 
Sir Thomas Cutcale three huntlred pounds : great sums 
to pay at one tax, and we know not how often it may 
come. It reaches us in the Strand, being within the 
liberties of" Westminster, which furnisheih out one 
ihip. My lord of Bedford sixty pounds; my lord of 
Salisbnry twenty-five pounds; my lord Clare forty 
pounds; the lord-keeper and lord treasurer, twenty 
pounds a-piece. Nay, lodgers ; for I am set at forty 
^hillings. Giving subsidies in parliament, I was well 
content to pay to, which now hath brought me into 
this tax; but I tell my lord Cottington, that I had ra- 
xher give and pay ten subsidies in parliament, than ten 
shillings in this new-old way of dead Noye's. Letters 
are also gone down to the maritime counties to quicken 
them. Have you heard the answer given by a great 

-■'•■-> -» 


the Exchequer, where he pleaded ; and the 
point was argued with great solemnity by 

lord that hath been a judge? Tis true, this writ hath 
not been used when tunnage and poundage was grant- 
ed; now it is not, but taken by prerogative; ergo, this 

writ is now in full force *." In another letter of his, 

dated Charter-house, May 10, 1638, he tells his lord- 
ship, " Four judges have argued the ship-writ this 
term : first, baron Trevor, who concluded for the king ; 
with him judge Crooke [Croke], who directly conclude 
ed against the legality of the writ. Now at the end of 
the term came judge Jones, who handled the business 
so, that no man could tell what to make of his argu- 
ment; in dock, out nettle, sometimes for the kin^^ 
then for the subject; so that when he ended, judge 
Finch asked him, for whom he concluded i He said, 
for this time for the king. Judge Hutton spake long 
and strong to make that good which was his opinion, 
and concurred with his brother Crooke, concluding 
against the king**." — Laud, in a letter to Wentworth, 
dated Lambeth, 14th May, 16S8, speaks of the judg- 
ment of the judges in the following terms. '* The 
judges have argued by four in a term, and so eight are 
past, and four to come for the next term : of the eight 
that are past, none have gone against the king, but J. 
Crooke, and J. Hutton, who both did it, and very 
sourly. The accidents which have followed upon it 
already are these : first, the faction are grown very bold. 
Secondly, the king's monies come in a great deal more 
slowly than tney did in former years, and that to a veiy 
considerable sum.. Thirdly, it puts thoughts into wise 
and moderate men's Jh^ads, which were better out; for 
they think, if the«jil^€s, which are behind, do not 

* Strafiordfi>s Letten and Diqaatches^ ToL L p. 358. >> Id. vol. II, p. 167. 

^V^Jm^..^;A!tA^^Jl mm^'^-^'^Ji^'^I^^Mmw .. >^w<,VlJM 

CHARLES h ^505 

the council and the judges, who all, Crok© 
aod Hutton excepted, adhered to their 
former opinion, and thereby, in effect, gave 

their parts exceedingly well and thoroughly, it may 
much distemper this extraordiuiiry and great service*.'* 
However^ the writs coatinued to be issued out> and 
money raised by virtue of them till the beginning of 
the long parliament, when, it was resolved upon the 
question, nemine contradicentey *^ That the charge im* 
posed upon the subjects for the providing and furnish* 
ing of ships, and the assessments for raising of money 
for that purpose, commonly called ship-money, are 
against the laws of the realm, the subjects right of 
property, and contrary to former resolutions in parha- 
ment, and to the petition of rights 

*' Resolved upon the question, nemine contradicenU, 
That the extrajudicial opinion of the judges, published 
in the Star-chamber, and inroUed in the courts of 
Westminster, in hac verba, 8(.c. (reciting the judgment) 
in the whole and every part of them, are against the 
laws of the realm, the right of property, and the liberty 
of the subjects, and contrary to former resolutions ia 
parliament, and to the petition of right. 

'^ Resolved upon the question^ nemine contradicente, 
That the writ following, in hoc verba, &c. and the 
other writs commonly called ship-writa^^-^qire against the 
laws of the realm, the rightof property, and the liberty 
of the subject, and contrary to former resolutions iu 
parliament, wid the petition of right ^J' 

This parliaiDent, not'<content with voting, ordcsred 
impeachments ;9gaiast seveial of the jiidges for betray^ 
ing the liberties of the subjects, and breaking through 
those ** laws of which they were the sworn guardians.'' 

* Strafibrde*! Letters aod Dispatches, wo\, 11. p. 170^ ^ Rushwortb^ 

Tol. IV. p. 8S. 

you u. y . 


^t.»:'^''yi .'.'■■. ■ • *>»!*; 



up every thing to the crown/ These op- 
pressions were attended with severe and ter- 
rible punishments, inflicted by the Star- 

And on Feb. IS, 1640, " Sir Robert Berkly was taken 
from the Bench by the usher of the black rod, and car- 
ried away to prison, which struck a great terror in the 
rest of his brethren then sitting: the other judges sub- 
mitted themselves to the pleasure of the house of lords, 
and gave great bail for their appearance; but, I think, 
they had the luck to escape farther punishment, except 
Perkly, who, in order to redeem himself, advanced ten 
thousand pounds to the parliament*." However, their 
names have been had in abhorrence by all the lovers of 
our constitution. Such as imagine that this imposi- 
tion was not worth the noise that was made about it 
in those days, will do well to attend to what follows. 
It is strong and unanswerable. 

*' 'Tis a maxim in politics, which we readily admit 
as undisputed and universal, that a power, however 
greai^when granted by law to an eminent magistrate, 
it not so dangerous to liberty, as an authority, however 
inconsiderable, which he acquires from violence and 
usurpation. For besides that the law always limits 
every power, which it bestows, tlie very receiving it as 
mk a concession ^tahlishes the authority whence it is de- 
rived, and pigjjll^es the harmony of the constitution. 
By the same Jri^faiit that on&jijierogative is assumed with- 
out Jaw, another may also be claimed, and another, 
with ttjjll greater facility: while the first usurpations 
l3|jOi|th secir^.as precedents to the following, and give 
fcM^ to maintaiq^em. Hence the h^qlsm of Hamp- 
deur who sustaioj^ the whole violence of royal prose- 
cution, rather than pay a tax of QOs. not imposed by 

» Whitl^k,p. 40. Rushworthi vol. IV. p. 130. 


chamber", for comparatively smaU matters, 

parUament'. hence the care of all English patriots to 
guard against the first encroachments of the crown: 
and hence alone the existence, at this day, of English 
liberty"." Pity it is, this same gentleman had not un- 
derstood history a little better than to say, id another 
work, " that Charles, after the laying on of ship-money, 
in order to discourage all opposition, proposed the 
question to the judges, which they answered in the 
manner above mentioned'';" and that "all the judges, 
except four, at the public arguing in the Exchequer, 
gave it in favour of the crown' t" I say, it is pity he 
should say this, because Mr. Whitlock, and our other 
historians, would have informed him, that Charles con- 
sulted not the judges till after Mr, Hampden's refusal ; 
and Crokc and Hutton alone, when it came to be pub- 
licly argued, gave it against the king, Historians, 

above all men, should remember the maxim in Prior: 

" AuUiorB, before tliey write, ibou'd reid." 

'^ Severe and terrible punishments were inflicted by 
the Star-chamber, &c.] The court of Star-chamber, 
though of great antiquity, is but little mentioned in 
the law-books. The reason of which is thought to be, 
because it intrenched too much upon the common law 
of England, " By a statute made in the third year of 
king Henry the Seventh, power is given to the chan- 
cellor, the lord treasurer of England for the time being, 
and tbe keeper of the king's privy seal, or two of 
them, calling unto them a bishop and a temporal lord 
of the king's most honourahle council, and the two 
chief justices of the King's Bench and Common Pleas, 
for the time being, or other two justices in their ab- 

■ Hume's PoUtical DJECouraH, p. 153. Svo. Ediabar^, 1153. 'Hi«. 

lery of Great Britun, p. 317. ' Id, p, g|9. 



exorbitant fines on persons of all rank& and 

sence^ to proceed as in that act is expressed, for the 
punishment of some particular ofEences." 

In the antient year-books it is called Camera Stdlaia, 
Dot because the chamber where the court is kept is 
adorned with stars, but because it is the seat of the 
great court, and the name is given according to the 
nature of the judges thereof. — " It was a glorious sight, 
upon a star-day, when the knights of the garter ap- 
pear with the stars on their garments, and the judgea 
in their scarlet; and in that posture," says Rushworth, 
" they have sat sotnetimes from nine in the morhing 
till five in the afternoon. And it was usual for those 
that came to be auditors at the sentence given in 
weighty causes, to be there by three in the morning to 
get convenient places and standing. The warden of 
the Fleet, or his deputy, constantly attended- in court 
to receive their lordships' commands, as there was oc- 
casion." This court was, for the most part, made up 
af the great officers of the crown, the archbishop of 
Canterbury, the lord chancellor, or lord keeper, and the 
lord chief j ustice. " In the time of Hen. VII. and lien. 
yilL their minlber was near 40 at one time, and 30 in 
(he reign of Eliz. oft-times: after {hat it was much 
lessetied* . However, in Charles's time there were some- 
tinges £4 or 26 members present on some important 
tryals. This court had many times inflicted fines and 
punishments; but 'twas only in the days of Charles, 
that cropping of ears, slitting oif noses, bmrtding of 
^es, whipping and gagging, were heard of in it ^." 
These noAV wer6 become common, and excited com- 
passion towards the sufferers, and indignation against 
such as were the authors of their calamfttes. — I have 
already mentioned the cruel punishment inflicted on 

* Ruibworth^ vol. II. p. 413» 


Siualities, together with the imprisomnent of 

tieigbton^ Bwtop^ Prynne^ Bastwick^ and Lilburn^ oii 
account of ecclesiastical matters: I wili add a few 
moFe< on account of civil affairs, that the reader may 
see the unrelenting severity wherewith the people were 
treated in this reign. 

" I remember/' says Osbom/' after Felton had giveq 
the fatal blow to George duke of BuckiDgbam, one Sa* 
vil [he called himself Savage, but his name was Heron]^ 
formerly burnt in the shoulder for a rogue (finding 
how acceptable the news was, wkerever it came), gave 
out, he was the man that did it; and that, thoagh an 
honourable person's brother, he wanted money to con- 
vey him away : upon which he was apprehended, and^ 
though not worth a groat, fined a considerable sum ia 
the Star<:hamber; to which the ^sdom, equity, apd 
justice of that court added (because they wanted power 
to hang him) this corporal punishmeMt, viz. That he . 
should be whipped iirom the Fleet, where be lay pri- 
soner, to the pillory in Westminster palace-yard, there 
to be for two hours nailed, and after to lose one ear, 
have his nose slit, and then to be branded in the fore- 
head; all which, as long as the bowels of humanity 
would give me leave, I looked upon. Nor was thia 
more than half hia punishment, as much being to be 
done to him in Cheapside; but that (as .1 heard) the 
king, more charitable than his judges, did pardon it; 
though his perpetuftl residence in Bridewell was not re- 
mitted, till 'for another thing (some thoitgl;^ unlikely 
to be done under such a restraint) he was hanged at 
Tyburn*. One Porothy BU^kbam, for a conspiracy 
io charge a person for •treason, was, among other 
things, ordered to he well whipped in the paiaee-yaril 
at Westminster, standing on a high place with a pa^* 

• Osborne's Works, p. €90 j and ^ushwortb, voL UU Appendix, p. 18. 


their persoias for a great length of time. 

• 1 

per OD her head, declaiing her offence, «(» 1)e branded 
in the face with the letter F and A^ signifying a false 
accuser; and to stand in like sort^ and to be whipt at 
Leicester*. One Watson, for falsifying the records of 
the court of Star-chamber, was committed to the Fleet, 
never to be enlarged, unless his majesty please to grant 
him a speoffd pardon; and if ever he be enlarged, then 
to be bound to his good behaviour during life, fined 
1000/. be set on the pillory at Westminster, and then 
branded on .the forehead with the letter F ; and after 

to be in hke sort set on the pilJory at Stafford ''. 

Dne Walker also, for libelling his neighbour, and ac- 
^sing him of stealing of wool, was committed to the 
fleet during life, fined 1000/. ordered to be set in the 
pillory twice, and at each time have an ear cut off, and 
to' pay the plaintiff 600 marks damage*". Bowyer, 
for slandering Laud as an Arminian and a Papist, was 
ordered by the court to be committed to Bridewell, 
there to be kept to work during his life, and never suf- 
fered to go abroad, fined 3000/. to be set in the pil- 
lory twice, confess his offence, be burned in the fore- 
head ^ith the letters L and R, and have both his ears 
nailed thereto •*." These persons probably deserved 
punishment; but surely the punishments inflicted on 
them was beyond their crimes, and savoured much of 
barbarity ! 

What follows will still farther shew the rigour with 
which even personi^ of high quality were treated in this 
court. Mr. Gairard, in a letter to the lord deputy 
Wentworth, dated London, Nov. 10, 1634, writes, ^^ The 
lord Alorley's busineis hath received an hearing in the 
Sta^chamber this term: the charges against him were 

* Rnihwortb, toI. III. Appendix, p. 34w ^ Id. p. b9, * Id. p. 60. 

« Id. p. 65. 

lflaWVWV^^«^^v«V,«j<» ^■i^-w^.'.T.'^-.i.* << « - u^^^^u 



These censures created great disgusts, and 
occasioned bitter reflections on Charles's 

these; that in court he should say to Sir George Theo^ 
baldsy What a base rascal is this? I am no companion 
for such a base fellow, such a dunghill rogue as thon 
art; for challenging him to go out of the court, say- 
ing, Thou base rascal, I will cut thy throat; for punch- 
ing him on the breast, and catching him by the throat 
with his hand : all which was done and said nigh to 
the chair of state in the room, where their majesties 
were entering. The lord Morley's counsel confesseth 
the charge, saying, it was done in a passion (ihey might 
have more truly said in a high fit of drunkenness), so 
submitted to the king's mercy. The attorney pursues 
him fiercely, shews his learning, and brings his prece- 
dents, all which I omit. The censure begins: my 
lord Cottington was not there : judge Jones began, and 
all concurred in one sentence, but the two last : ten 
thousand pounds to the king; one thousand to Sir 
George Theobalds. But the mchbishop of Canterbury 
[Laud], and the lord privy seal, who sat that day in the 
absence of the lord keeper, fined him twenty thousand 
pounds, besides imprisonment in the Tower, where I 
leave him *. — Much noise here is of the depopulators 
that are come into the Star-chamber: it will bring in 
great sumsof money. Sir Henry Wallop and Sir Thomas 
Thynne are in already : the latter is spared this year 
from being sheriflf in Wiltshire, because he may follow 
his cause. Sharp proceedings against such as live in 
town, and out of their countries, withoot leave: the 
lord Grey of Werk they fall first on/ then my lord of 
Clare ^J* The same gentleman, in a letter to his lord*- 
ship, written May IQth, l635, tells him, " Some few 
censures passed here in the Star-chamber this term, 

• Straflfbrde's Letters, ▼ol. I. p. 335. ^ Id. p. 337, 



. »tfV/;*;y 



governmenbj and, if we may speak the 
truthi they were not without foundation. 

two of them ore tenus: one Maxwell, a Scottiskman, 
for a scandalous petition to the king against the lord 
keeper and the whole council^ for which he was fined 
three thousand pounds ; but is not worth much : also 
the keeper of Newgate, he is more able ; and lastly, my 
lord SaTille, who in the suit betwixt my lord Newcastle 
and himself, with his complices, was fined five thou<» 
' sand pounds, his part three thousand pounds. He 
^rent to the Fleet, and there lay till he gave security 
for the payment of his fine, such as it should be, whea 
it was mitigated *." 

In another letter, dated London, Feb. 7, 1637, we 
have the following passage* *' A sentence in the Star- 
chamber this term hath demolished all the houses 
about Piccadilly; by Midsummer they must be pulled 
down, which have stood since the 13th of king James: 
they are found to be great nusances, and much foul the 
tprings of water, which pass by those houses to White- 
1^1, and to the city V 

The city of London also, on pretence that she had 
imposed on king James, and had not performed the 
conditioJM on which Londonderry was granted her, 
was fined in the 9um of seventy thousand pounds % and 
ber plantation was taken from her. ** This act,'^ says 
l^illy, " so imbittered the spirits of the citizens, that 
ilthough they W^re singularly invited for loan of mo- 
neys,, and bad as great plenty in their possessions as 
^Ver, y;et Wofild they not contribute any assistance or 
tnoney agaipst the Scot^ or advance of his majesty in 
bis Scotisfa expedition \*^ 

I will add but one accouiit inore of the seyerity of 

• StrafTorde^s Letters, vol. 1. p. 426. «» Id. vol. II. p. 150. « IC^ 
p« 463, and WhiUock, p« S5« f lill^, p, 46} Whitlock, p. 35. 


CHARLES I. . 813 

While his majesty was carryifig tU^gs 
with so high an hand in England, where law 

this court, in the words of Whitlock. " The bishop 
of Lincoln was brought to a sentence in the Stai^ 
chamber^ for disloyal words charged to be spoken by 
him against the king, and for suborning witnessesto 
conceal a truth, and to stiHe a crime. He was at Ifaif ^ 
fined ten thousand pounds, committed to the Towtf 
during pleasure, suspended ob vffirio if beneficio, and 
referred to the high commission court, for that whtcb 
concerned their jurisdiction. Mr. Osbaldston was alsQ 
heavily sentenced in the Star-chaxnber upon the boai- 
ness of the bishop of* Lincoln [fined five tfaousandl 
pounds, deprived of his ecclesiastical preferments, baa 
ears to be tacked to the pillory, and costs of suit tar 
liSLud] ; but he got out of the way, leaving a paper idi 
his study, with this inscription. That Lambert Osbaldi* 
ston was gone bejrdnd Canterbury.— — These proceeds* 
ings in the Star-chamber against these persons," contiu 
nues this writer, '' raised a deep distfiste in the hearts of # 
many people, which some expressed by their murmtiv* 
ings, and gave out Canterbury to be the author of 
them ; more particularly against Lincoln upon private 
grad'ges, and emulation between these two prelates *.** 
What wonder is it a deep distaste should be raised in 
the hearts of many at these proceedings, which were 
so rigorous, severe, and disproportioned to the crime* 
real or imputed? The punishments infiicted wertf 
barbarous and inhuman, and such as none but weak 
and crue) minds could suggest or countenance; the 
fines immoderate and excessive, and such as brou^it 
on beggary and ruin, and, for the most part, were ia, 
effect an imprisonment for life. In short, the proceed- 

• WljWock, p. 26. 




was trampled under foot, and tyranny was 
openly erected ^S he attempted to intro^ 

ings of this court, in this reign, were arbitrary, tyran- 
nical, and absolutely illegal. In the act for the regu- 
lating of the privy council, and for taking away the 
court commonly called the Star-chamber, it is declared, 
" That the judges of this court had undertaken to pu- 
nish where no law doth warrant, and to make decrees 
for things having no such authority, and to inflict hea- 
yier punishments than by any law is warranted." And 
moreover it is asserted, " That the proceeding, cen- 
sures, and decrees of that court have, by experience, 
been found to be an intolerable burthen to the subject, 
and the means to introduce an arbitrary power and go- 
vernment." This is the censure passed on it by the 
highest authority, which therefore, with the high com- 
mission, a court of a like infamous nature, were for 
ever abolished by acts of parliament % and it is to be 
hoped will never more be revived. 

<|l ^ In England law was trampled under foot, and ty» 
ranny openly erected.] That Charles acted without 
and contrary to law, no man, who attends to what is 
contained in the preceding notes, can pretend to deny; 
unless one, who is heir to the modesty of Bevil Hig- 
gons, who tells us, that ** he granted the petition of 
right, and abridged his own legal authority, meerly to 
oblige his people, by such convincing testimonies of 

•^ bis bounty and goodness^." This is worthy of the 
writer, but is below the censure of any one who has a 
tolerable idea of the reign of this monarch. Charles, 
it appears manifestly, acted without, and against, law, 
and therefore must be deemed to have behaved tyran- 

• Stat. 16 Car. c. x. sect 11. •* Higgons* Short View of the 

Engliih Constitution, p. 267. 8vo. Hague, 1*1^1, 



duce innovations in the kingdom of Scot- 

nically, — " Wherever law ends, tyranny begins, if tho 
law be transgressed to another's harm. ^P^l ^''°S'>' 
ithority exceeds the power given him by the 
law, and makes use uf the force he has under his com- 
mand, to compass that upon the subject whicli the law 
lows not, ceases in that to be a magistrate; and act- 
ing without authority may be opposed, as any o^ief 
man, who by force invades the right of another. TTii* 
is acknowledged in subordinate magistrates. He that 
hath authority to seize ray person in the street, may be 
opposed as a thief and a robber if he endeavours to 
break into my house to execute a writ, notwithstand- . 
ing that I know he has such a warrant, and such a le- 
gal authority, as will impower him to arrest me abroad. 
And why this should not hold in the highest, as well 
as Mi'tbe most iuferiour magistrate, I would gladly be 
informed. Is it reasooable that the eldest brother, be- 
cause he has the greatest part of his father's estate, 
should thereby have a right to take away any of his 
younger brothers portions? Or that a rich man, who 
possessed a whole country, should from tfaence have a 
right to seize, when he pleased, the cottage and gar- 
den ofliis poor neighbour? The being rightfully pos- 
sessed of great power and richeSj exceedingly beyond 
the greatest part of the sons of Adam, is so far from 
being an excuse, much less a reason, for rapine and 
oppression, which the endamaging another without 
authority is, that it is a great aggravation of it. For 
the exceeding the bounds of authority, is no more a 
right in a great than a petty officer, no more justifiable 
in a king than a constable: but it is so much the 
worse in him, in that he has more trust put in him, has 
already a much greater share than the rest of his bre- 
thren, and is supposed, from the advantages of his edu- 
cation, employment, and counsellors, to be more know- 

316 . THE LIFE OF 

land*% and of such a kind tx)o, as were 

ing in the measures of right and wrong ^.'^ The reader 
will see 1j^ force of this reasoning, and ^ply it to its 
proper use. 

^^ Charles attempted to introduce innovations iq 
Scotland.] The afiairs of Scotland, Charles had very 
much at heart. He was desirous of haviog that nation 
at his beck, and subjecting it, under him, to a priestly 
yoke. " And Laud," says lord Bolingbroke, " who 
kad neither temper nor knowledge of the world, enough 
Id be entrusted with the government of a private col- 
lege, conducted this enterprize, and precipitated the 

. public ruin^." The reformation of religion in Scot- 
land was introduced by John Knox. The doctrines 
taught by him were of like kind with those contained 
in the articles of the church of England : the govern- 
ment and discipline different from what her canons en- 
join. For Knox, after the manner of the foreign re- 
itomersy was an enemy to the pomp of prelacy, and an 
encourager of great severity of manners among clergy 
and people. This was agreeable to the taste of the 
Scotish nali6n, and accordingly his doctrine was re* 
ceived and adhered to with a zeal scarce conceivable. 
What tended much to gain a favourable reception to 
the tenets of Knox, was their utility to the state. For 
church-lands were deemed by him fit to be alienated, 
and tithes abolished, though he judged it but reason- 
able that the ministers of the church should have a de* 

"^ccnt maintenance from the public. The Scotch nobi- 
tty were not backward to put in practice this whole- 
some doctfine, and thereby advanced their own estates, 
as well as the common good. — True it is, there was a 
hankering from the beginning among some of the ec- 
clesiastics after that pomp^ power, and riches which 


, ^ Ifccke pf OoTernment, p. 1^8. ^ Craftsman, vol. VII. p. 393. 



deemea inconsistent with their laws, liber- 

the g ctB fed industry of Knox had abolished ; and there« 
fove we soon find the names of archbishop and bishops 
in the history of that church, after the reformation. 
But their power was insignificant, their wealth small, 
and they had not the title of My Lord given them, as 
I can find; though perhaps they might have taj(^n.the 
appellation as kindly as the Danish superiDtendants.-— « 
However, even this pre-eminence did lytfi last long; 
for presb^^terian government was establtibed in the 
church, bjjT'lctw, in the year 1592*: though afterwards, 
when James hod mounted the English throne, by art 
aQB money he introduced again the name and some 
part of the power of bishops, to the great grief of the 
Scotish clergy. But what James had with trouble and 
expence done, no way satisfied Char]^. He was de- 
termined to establish an uniformity of church-govern^ 
ment throughout his kingdoms, and to let the clergy 
partake of a dominion to which they were too prone, 
in a kingdom poor, and abounding with nobility, he 
impoliticly was for erecting bishopricks and arch* 
bishopricks, and thereby hurting the community in a 
tery sensible manner. For the wealth, which was ne* 
cessary tp sa^ort these, was wanting for the purposes 
of sQciet^and would have turned to good .account, 
had it bieen well employed. — In order to advance this 
it, Charles went down into Scotland, accompa- 
with Laud, in the year^l6d$^ where he was crown- 
with great solemnity. 1 .Hiirfts. observed," says 
Rushworth, '^ that Br. lAwBi, Idmk bkhop of London, 
wi|4^igh in his carriagl^ taking upon him the order 
anA'managing of the ceremonies and coronation; and, 
fbr an instance, Spotswood, arftbishop of St. Andrews, 
being placed at the king's right hand, and Lindsey, 

• Bufiop Guthry's Memoir*, p, 4, 

«& Vigi5AfW«V»1i5tj>'i YA.'^ : >? i^ ^^.i 


ties, and reli^on. For he broke inon the 

then archbishop of Glascow, at his left, ^i*mF L^ud 
took Glascow and thrust hifc from the king, with 
these words : * Are you a churchman, and wants the 
coat of your order ?' (which was an embroidered coat, 
and that he scrupled to wear, being a moderate church- 
man) ^l|d in place of him put in the bishop of Rosse 
at the king's left hand *. — In the parliament held on 
this occasiolii. there was little or no difference, except 
in what related to two acts: the one entitulcd, an act 
anent his majestie's royal prerogative, an<Lapparel of 
kirkmen. The other an act of ratification olf^ the act^s 
touching religion. As to the jS[)rmer of these ac§^ ' 
several nobj[emen and others were not pleased to have 
the apparel of kirkmen joined with the prerogative, 
suspecting the surplice to be intended ; and the king 
being asked that question, made no answer. But this 
circumstance was observed of him, that he took a list 
of the whole members out of his pocket, and said, 
* Gentlgpnen, I have all your names here; and Til 
know who will do me service, and who will not, this 
day.* However, about thirteen noblemen, and as. 
many barons and burgesses, declared, that they agrieed.^. 
to the act for his majestie*s prerogative; Init dissented 
from that part of it, as to the apparel of kirt^en^.'' 

'' Great opposition was made to this act by the earl 
of Rothes, who desired the acts might be divided ^bti^^ 
the king said it was now^one act, and he must eithi^ *^^'' 
vote for it, or agaiiiitf H* He said he was for the pr^ 

rogative as much as' aay mao; but that addition was 
contrary to the liberties of tbSvhurch, and he thou^^ 
no determination ought to be made in such matteirs 
without the consent cPthe clergy, at least without 
Aeir being heard. The king bid him argue no more, 

* RMhwortb, toI. IL p. 183. ^ Id. p. 183< 


privileges of the Scotish parliament; caused 



but give his vote : so he voted, not content. Some 
few*]ords offered lo argue; but the king stopt th&ni, 
and commanded them to vote. Ahnost the whole 
commons voted in the nej^Hlive ; so that the act, indeed, 
was rejected by the majority: which the king knew; 
for he had called tor a list of the members, and with 
his own pen had marked every man's vote: yet the 
clerk of register, who gathers and declares the votes, 
said it was <^arried in the affirmative. The eail of 
Rothes affirmed it for the negative: but the king said, 
the clerk of register's declaration must be held good, 
unless the earl of Rothes would go to the bar, and 
accuse him of falsifying the record of parliament, 
which was capital : auH in that case, if he should l^il 
in the proof, he was liable tn the same punishment^ so 
he would not venture on that. Thus the act was 
published, though in truth it was rejected. The king 
expressed an high displeasure at all who had con- 
curred in that opposition. Upon that, the lords had 
many meetings: they reckoned that now all their 
liberties were gone, and a parliament was but a piece 
of pageantry, if the clerk-regisler might declare as he 
pleased how the vote went, and that no scrutiny were 
allowed. Upon that Hague, the king's sollicitor, a. 
zealous man of that party, drew a petition to be signed 
by the lords, and to be offered by them to the king, 
setting forth all their grievances, and praying redress. 
He shewed this to some of them, and among others 
to the lord Balmerinock, who liked the main of it ; but 
was for altering it in some particulars. He spoke of it 
to the earl of Rothes, in the presence of the earl of. 
Cassilis, and some others : none of them approved of 
it. Theearl of Rothes carried it to the king, and lold 
him, that there was a design to offer a petition, ia 


an unjust condemnation ofsom of its mem« 

order to the explainiog and justifying their proceed* 
ingHy and that he had a copy to shew him : but the 
king would not look upon it, and ordered him to put 
a stop to it; for he would receive no suck petition. 
The earl of Rothes told this to Balmerinock ; so the 
thing .was laid aside^ only he kept a copy of it, and 
interlined it in some places with his own hand. — ^Thie 
winter after the kiog was in Scotland^ Balmerinock 
vfas thinking how to make the petition more accept- 
l^le ; and> in order to that, he shewed it to one Dun* 
moor, a lawyer, in whom he trusted, and desired hig 
opinion of it, and suffered him to carry it home with 
him; but charged him to shew it to no person, and to 
take no copy of it. He shewed it, under a promise of 
secresy, to one Hay of Naughton, and told him from 
whom he had it. Hay, looking on the paper, and see- 
ing it a matter of some consequence, carried it to 
Spotswood, archbishop of St. Andrew's; who, appre- 
hending it was going about for hands, was alaimed at 
it, and went immediately for London, beginning his 
journey, as he often did, on a Sunday, which was a 
very odious thing in that country. — An order hereupon 
was sent down for committing lord Balmerinock^ who 
was tried on an old law, never put in force, and, by 
court artifices, condemned to lose his life, though he 
afterwards had a pardon V We see here by what 
violences these innovations were made in the Scotish 
kirk, and how hard the government bore on the 
liberties and lives of that people. No wonder theu 
they were so strongly prejudiced against it, and that 
the bishops i% bad created were held in abhorrence; 
frspecM^j- a^jftiiahop Guthry tells us, that '* none of 

* KtuiniorAa' voi 11. p. 183; Burnet, vol. I. p. 28, 34^ Guthcy*c 





bers ; attempted to restore church and* ' 

the bishops, whom king Charles preferred, were 
generally CBteemed gifted lor the office, except bishop 
MaxwellV But ill qualified as these men were, " they 
carried themselves so loftily, that ministers seemed 
little in their .reckoning V—— Let us hear bishop 
Burnet's account of their behaviour. " The bishops 
were cherished by Charles with all imaginable ex- 
pressions of kindness and confidence; but ihey lost 
tdl their esteem with the people, and that upon divers 
accounts. The people of Scotland had drunk in a deep 
prejudice against everything that savoured of popery. 
This the bishops judged -wae too high, and therefore- 
took all means possible to lessen it, both in sermons 
and discourses, mollifying their opinions and com- 
Dieading their persons, not without some reflections on 
the reformers. But this was so far from gaining their 
design, that it abated nothing of the zeal against 
popery, but very much heightened the rage against .- 
themselves, as favouring it too much. There were. ^ 
also subtil questions started some years before in Hol- 
land, about predestination and grace; and Arminius 
his opinion, as it was condemned in a synod at Dort, 
so wa.sgenerally ill reported of in all refocibed churches, 
and no where woric than in Scotland: bnt most of the 
bishops and their adherents undertook openly and 
•zealously the defence of iliese tenets. Liketrise the 
Scotish ministers and people had ever a great respect 
to the Lord's-day, and generally the naoraiity of it iff 
reckoned an article of faith among iheiu: but the 
bfsbops not only undertook to beat down this opinion, 
but, by ihcir practices, expressed their neglect of that 
day; and, after all this, they declared themselves 

' Guthry's Memoira, ]). !fc 

* Id. p. 1 5. 


abbey-lands ; created a lordly race of pre- 

Dvowed zealots for the liturgy and ceremonies of 
I ^nglaad, which were held by the zealous of Scotland, 
1 ai\ one with popery. Upon these accounla it was, 
I Jfaat they lost all their esteem with the people. 

■ Neither stood they in better terms with the 
[ jBobility, who at that time were as considerable ai ever 
(Scotland saw them; and so proved more sensible of 
I ipjuries, and more capable of resenting them. They 
I ^ere offended with them, because they seemed to have 
, Biore interest with the king than they themselves had, 
, ■> that favours were mainly distributed by iheir re- 
commendation: they were also upon all affairs; nine 
pf them were privy counsellours, divers of them were 
, pf the Exchequer: Spotiswood, archbishop of St. 
Andrew's, was made chaacellor; and Maxwell, bishop 
Ross, was fair for the Treasury, and engaged in 
fthij^h rivalry with the earl of Traquair, then treasurer, 
oich tended not a little to help forward their ruin. 
Vid besides this, they began to pretend highly to the 
lithes and impropriations, and had gotten one Lear- 
louth, a minister, presented abbot of Lindoris; and 
' teemed confident lo get that state of abbots, with all 
I Ae revenue and power belonging to it, again restored 
^nto the hands of churchmen; designing also, that, 
according to the first institution of the college of 
•f liistice, the half of them should be churchmen. This . 
could not but touch many of the nobility in the quick, 
iifho were too large sharers in the patrimony of the 
church, not to be very sensible of it. 

' They were no less hateful to the ministry, because 

' of their pride, which was cried out upon as un&up- 

portable. Great complaints were also made of simo- 

L siacal pactions with their servants, which was imputed 

> their masters, as if it had been for their advantage, 


p. lates, I 



lates, on whom he heaped secular honours 

at least by their allowance. They aJso exacted a new 
oath of intrajits (besides what was in the act of parlia- 
ment for obedience to their ordinary), in which they 
were obliged to obey the articles of Perth, and submit 
to the liturgy and canons. They were also making 
daily inroads upon their Jurisdiction, of which the 
ministers were very sensible; and universally their 
great rigour against any that savoured of puritanism, 
together with their meddling in all secular affairs, and 
relinquishing their dioceses to wait on the court and 
council, made them the objects of ail men's fury'." 
And how could it otherwise be, where men preserved 
their reason, and had the least notion of the spirit 
of the gospel? Ambitious, tyrannical, persecuting 
bishops must be odious in the sight of God and man, 
and deserving the worst fate. Generally speaking, 

shame and contempt are their portion whilst in life; but .1 

I after death, historians will draw them in their true J 

colours, and hand them down to posterity with infamy; | 
and it is well if they meet not with a worse treatment in 

another state. — But to return. " The king, at hia J 
coming to Scotland," says Guthry, " in the year l633, ^> J 
had broughtwith him Dr. Laud, then bishop of London, ^^| 

shortly after archbishop of Canterbury ; (one who ^| 
had much power with his majesty, but was generally 

hated by the people.) He beholding our form of , 

' worship, did (in conference with our bishops, and ^ 

others of the clergy) tax the nakedness thereof in ■• 

divers respects, but chiefly for our want of a liturgy, ' i 

whereby he thought all might be helped. The old A 

bishops replied, thjil in king James's time there had a ' ] 

motion been made for it; but that tlie presenting 1 

thertof was deferred, in regard tlie articles of Perth, ,' 

' I>I«mrarsof ibedukeaTHamiiloii, p.C 
Y 3 


and prefeimeats, who behaved unaccept- 

tbcn iotroduced, proved so unwelcome to the people, 
that they lhe^g^lt it not safe nor fit, at that time, to 
venture upoq any further tiiDovatiout>; and they wore 
not yet without some fear, that, it' it should be gone 
about, the consequence thereof might be very sad. 
But biibop Maxwell, and with liim Mr. Thomas 
Sydeserfe (who was then but a candidate), and Mr. 
Mitchel, and others, pressed hard that it might be, 
assuring that tliere wa$ no kind of danger in it; where- 
spon bishop Laud (who spake as he would have it) 
moving the king to declare it to be his wilJ, that there 
should be a liturgy jn this church, his majesty com- 
manded the bishops logo about the forming of it"." 
Tbe bisliops applied themselves to the work j but first 
of all, tUcy presented a body of canons to precede the 
liturgy. These canons carried high the authority of 
princes in ecclesiastical affairs, and were calculated to 
promote the wealth aud graodeur of the clergy. They 
moreover determined, " that no clergyman should 
conceive prayers cf tempore; but be hound to pray 
only by the form prescribed by the liturgy," which 
was uol then seen or framed. These canons were, by 
proclamation from his majesty, duly to be observed, 
and the clergy to he sworn to submit to, and pay all 
ojiedieuce to what was enjoined by them ''. We may 
b^ sure these things could not pass unnoticed : but the 
Ujiurgy preparing was noore dreadful to the people, ■ 
^ho, throughout the land, clamoured " that religion 
v^as undermined by a conspiracy betwixt the bishop of 
Cttuterbury and other bishops, and that they (being 
^utfiorned by liio^ were bringing in the mass-book." 

I* QilRiry'l Mcmoin, pn IS. 
OfficRi of the Crown of Scotland, p. 1 
Vf4.I. p. 104— 107. 




aBly to all orders and degrees of men ; and, 
to complete all, attempted to introduce a 
liturgy, most odious in the sight of that 
nation. But Charles soon found that the 

This clamour terrified some of the wisest aisoitg the 
bishops, who thereupon desired that the book might be 
kept back, till the nation were better prepared to 
receive it. But it was in vain; "for Laud procured 
for himself a warrant from the king, to command the 
bishops (upon all hazards) to go forward in it; 
threatning them withal, that if they lingered in it 
longer, the king would turn them out of their places, 
and fill the same with vigorous and resolute men, who 
would not be afraid to do him service." " Thereafter," 
says bishop Guthry, " it is remarkable, that the 
bishops acted so far contrary to those rules of prudence 
whereby they had been accustomed to manage their 
affairs, that all men began to espy a fatality in it. For 
they laboured not (as formerly they had done in lesser 
matters) to have their book brought in by an ecclesi- 
astical sanction ; but having gotten it authorized by an 
act of council, proceeded without more ado to urge 
the practice thereof; whereby they provoked against 
themselves the most part even of those ministers that 
were episcopal in their judgment, who thought it a 
very sad matter, that a liturgy should be imposed 
upon the church, without the knowledge and consent 
of the church ; and judged it such a dangerous prepara- 
tive, that thereby the civil power might in after-times 
introduce any thing (though never so hurtful to re- 
ligion), and the church never get one voice in it[ 
and they were the more offended, in regard king Jamee, ' 
of blessed memory, had never pressed any thing that 
way; but whatsoever he would have done, he used to 
take a church-way in it. Neither did they at first ' 



Scotch were not patient un€h|||^ppressioii$9 
like the Enghsh. For upon reading the 
service-book in the church of Edinburgh, 
tumults arose", which, with great difficulty, 

urge the practice of their liturgy upon the remotest 
dioceses, and other places^ where there was the least 
averseness from such changes; but made the first 
essays where opposition was most probably to be 
Expected V Surely ^uch conduct as this merited 
almost the fate it afterwards met with! Charles must 
tiave had strange notions of his own power, if he could 
have imagined himself able to force these things on 
the Scotish nation; and he must have been very ill 
read in their annals^ if he thought they would patiently 
submit to it without compulsion. But however it y/BS, 
his management in Scotland first brought him into 
difficulties^ which he was ill qualified to encounter^ and 
which nothing but his death put a period to. 

" Upon reading the service-book at Edinburgh, 
tumults arose, &c.] On Easter day, 1637, the liturgy 
was appointed to be read for the first time in the 
cathedral church at Edinburgh: ^' but no sooner had 
the dean of Edinburgh appeared in his surplice, and 
began to read the liturgy, but a multitude of the 
meaner sort, most of them women, with clapping of 
hands, clamours and outcries, raised a hideous noise 
and confusion in the church, that no words could be ' 
heard distinctly; and then a shower of stones and 
8tic)E0> and cudgels were thrown at the dean's head. 
The bishop of the place. Dr. lindsay, who was to 
preach that day, stept into the pulpit, hoping to 
appease the tumult by minding them of the sacredness 
of the place, and of their duty to God and the king; 

* Guthry's Memoirs, p. 17— 19. 


for the present were appeased. But they 

but they were the more enraged, and an oH woman 
ushered in the future war bj throwing a stool at his 
head, which might have endangered iiis life : upoiv 
thia the archbishop of St. Andrew's, the lord chancellor, 
firom his seat, was obliged to call down from the 
gallery the provost and magistrates of the city, by 
their authority to suppress the riot; which, at last, 
with great difficulty they did, by thrusting the most 
unruly of those who made ihe disturbance out of the 
church, and shutting the doors. After which the dean 
proceeded in the service; but still was greatly dis- 
turbed by the loud clamours of the multitude without, 
who pelted the doors and Avindows with sticks anil 
stones, and cried out, a pape! a pape! Antichrist! 
pnll him down! slane him! with all the marks of 
ungovernable fury. Notwithstanding, the service was 
«ided, but not the people's rage ; for when the bishops 
went out of the church, the rabble followed tbcm with 
all the opprobrious language they could invent, of 
bringing in superstition and popery into the kingdom, 
and making the people slaves : and were not content to 
use their tongues, but employed their hands too, in 
throwing dirt and stones at them; and. treated Dr. 
Lindsay, the bishop of Edinburgh, whom they lookeil 
upon as most active that way, so rudely, that he got 
into a house, after they had torn his habit, and was 
from thence removed to his own with great hazard 
of hia life. As this was the reception it had in the 
cathedral, so it fared not better in the other churches 
( of the city, but was entertained with the same cla- 
mouring and outcries, and threatning the raen, whose 
office it was to read it, with the same execrations 
tainstlHBhopB and popery'." This tumult was soon 

• Crawfnrd'i U\et, p. ISl, 


were soon renewed, (on Charles's ordering" 

made known lo the court, as well as the dissatisfaction 
w'hicli most men expressed against the service-book. 
TSut his majesty, " instead of discharging of it, as 
'peaceable men expected and wished % caused a pro- 
clamation to be read at tlie market-cross, ordaining the 
service-book to be practised at Edinbuvgh, and other 
places adjacent; the council and sessions to remove 
from Edinburgh, first to Litbgoe, and afterwards to 
Slirliiigi and tiie nobility, gentry, burghers, ministers 
and commons, who were come to Edinburgh to pe- 
tition against it in vast uumbers, were ordered to de- 
pact towards their own homes, within twenty-four 
hours, under pain of horning V The tumults were 
npon this again renewed, and the officers of state, 
bishops, and city-magistrates, were in great peril; 
but applying to the lords in the opposition, they were 
delivered. It would be useless lo enter into a detail 
of these affairs, they being to be found in so many 
writers. Let it suffice to say, that though a proclama- 
tion was issued to repress these disorders, little obedi- 
ence was given to it; that a petition from the noble- 
men, barons, burgesses, ministers, and commons, was 
sent to council-board against the liturgy and canons; 
that though his majesty was displeased hereat, and by 
procSamation forbad tumultuous resorts to Edinburgh, 
under the highest penalties; yet several of the nobility 
caused their protestation agaiusC it to be read; erected 
four tables, who were to prepare what was to be pro- 
pounded at the general table; and that the first act of 
this general table was a renewing of the antient con- 
fession of faith of tbai kirk, and entering into a general 
covenant to preserve the religion there profest, and 
tbe king's person". His majesty hearing of this, made 

• Guthrj', p. fl 

" Id. p. 24. ' Whitlock, p. 27. 


CHARLES I.. 329 

by proclamation, the service-book to .be 

s propositions to reduee-thcm to obedience; and 
wfis forced at last to consent that the canons, service- 
book, and liigh-commiasion, slioulJ be nulled ; and 
that all persons whatsoever should be liable to censure 
of parliament and general assembly. But as his 
majesty offered not to abolish archbishops and bisbopB''' 
by law, no accommodation was to be made; but 
disorders continued and increased. For Charles, as if 
his coaduct had not procured him enemies enough in 
this kingdom, added another to them, of great power, 
viz. Archibald earl of Argyle, This we are informed 
of in a letter of the lord deputy Wentworth to Sir 
Henry Vane, treasurer of tUe houshold, dated Fair- 
wood- Park, Ap. lO, 1G39- " It should aeem to me, 
for I was not of the council, my lord marquis Hamil- 
ton, and my lord of Aotrim, Imd to his majesty under- 
taken the business [of beating Argyle out of the 
western Isles] before the earl of Antrim's coming forth 
of England, consequently before Argyle was declared 
covenanter: my lord of Antrim was, for his reward, to 
have had a share of his estate : what other shares there 
were, any, or none, in truth I know not. Now, how- 
beit this was carried very secretly to us on this side, yet 
Argyle got knowledge of it there, and certainly- 
occasioned him to declare himself sooner for the cove- 
nant, than otherwise perchance he would have done; 
but whetha: that had been better or worse for his 
" majestie's service, I am not able to judge*." In short, 
things now were come to a head, and preparations for 
war were made of all sides ; for the Scots were deter- 
mined not to submit till they had satisfaction given 
them in their demands, and Charles was as determined 


to force them to 

i with bis will: and his 

I great 

com pi 
ministers, Wentworth and Laud, were 

' SfcraOlrfe'i Lelten, vol II. p. 345. 



mtinued) to the great peril of the chief 

ting to urge him on' hereunto ; for they could not 
bear the thought thut his majesty's will should be 
resisted, especially by the Scots, whose power did not 
seem to them over-formidable. Let us hear them 
speaking to each other without reserve. The lord- 
deputy, in a letter to Laud, dated Dublin, Nov. 27, 
lfi38, writes as follows : " It was ever clear in my judg- 
ment, that the business of Scotland, so well laid, so 
pleasing to God and man, had it been effected, was 
miserably lost in the execution, yet could never have so 
fatally miscarried, if there had not been a failure like- 
wise in the direction, occasioned either by over-great 
desires to do all quietly without noise, by the state of 
the business misrepresented, by opportunities and sea- 
sons shpped, or by some such like. Besides, it some- 
times fails out, that out of an easiness and sweetness of 
nature, some men insensibly suffer oppositions, which 
at first were easily brought to obedience, to grow and 
go on so far, as thereby to difficult their own affairs, 
and discourage their own party most extremely, which 
I have often observed in an hundred men. Neverthe- 
less, in my opinion, that error would not be seconded 
with a far greater, which would be indeed more griev- 
ous, more terrible; for should these rude spirits carry 
it thus from the king's honour to their own churlish 
wills, it would have a most fearful operation, I fear, as 
well upon England as themselves ; therefore God Al- 
mighty guide his majestie's counsels, and strengthen 
his courage : for if he master not them, and this affair 
tending so much and visibly to the tranquility and 
peace of his kingdoms, to the honour of Almighty 
God, I shall be to seek for any probable judgment 
what is like next to befall us at after%" To this Laud, 
^'ift his letter of the 29th Dec. 1638, replied in these 

* StraSbrite's Letters, vaL II. p. 350. 

officers of state. Upon this, several expe- 
dients for peace proving fruitless, both sides 
made preparations for war. The king, de- 

, the business of Scotland, 1 
lUt vanity, was well laid, and 

words: " Indeed, my loj 
can be bold to say wiihoi 

was a great service to the crown, as well as to God 
himself. And that it should so fatally fail in the exe- 
cution, is a great blowafl well tothe power as the l\onour 
of the king. And your lordship is most right in say- 
ing there was a failure in the direction; for the truth 
is, (here was too great a desire there to do all without 
noise, and there was undoubtedly a great misrepresent- 
ation of the business itself there; and some seasons 
and ■opportunities slipt, and that more than once, and 
the easy suffering of oppositions too common in an 
hundred men and more. But these three last by your 
lordship's leave, were all errors about the execution, 
not the direction : but the first of these mentioned by 
yon, was indeed an error in the direction, and a great 
one; but I could not help it. For such of the bishops 
of Scotland as were trusted with it were all for the 
quiet way, and that fitting his majestie's disposition, I 
was not able to withstand it, and indeed must have 
been thought very bold, had 1 taken upon me to under- 
stand the course of that church and kingdom better 
than they. But the main failure in the direction, if I 
mistake not, was, that all the lords of that council were 
not more thoroughly dealt with by the king, and theur 
judgments more thoroughly sifted, before any thing 
had been put to execution. And ! am confident all 
had gone well enough, if Traquair had done his 
duty; hut he thought he had all in a string, and, 
oat of a desire to disgrace some bishops, did not only 
suffer, but certainly underhand do some things, which 
' i power to 

; temiined to bring the Scots to a compli- 
l *iicc, advanced with a good army towards 
f'the borders of their kingdom; and they, 

li recall. And this was thegiealesl barre of the husiness 
f vhich I have been able to observe, next to the over- 
i mucK confidence which the king would still put in him, 
f notwithstanding some bishops still informed how false 
L SHid unworthy his carriage was. And for that which 
illows, I wholly agree with you, that since it is come 
r to this height, if his majesty do noc master them, and 
f bring them under obedience, the first error will be so 
ffiir seconded with a greater, as that the consequences 
[ may be God knows what; such, 1 am sure, as 1 hold 
fit to prognosticate'." These passages clearly 
I ^ew the genius of their writers, and the opinion they 
entertained of the northern commotions. But as much 
as they were for using force ugainst the Scots, in order 
to make them say their prayers by book, and submit 
to the wholesome rule of the bishops, if we may believe 
my lord IVorthumherland, Charles was hut in an ordi- 
nary condition to accomplish it. For in a letter to 
the lord deputy Wenlworth, dated London, Jan. 2, 
tflSS, we have the following expressions: " The no- 
minating of the commanders, and the directions that 
have been given for the ordering and disposing of the 
martial preparations, have here made a very great noise. 
But I assure your lordship, to my understanding (with 
sorrow I speak it), we aie altogether in as ill a posture 
to invade others, or to defend ourselves, as we were a 
twelvemonth since, which is more than any man can 
imagine, that is not an eye-witness of it. The discon- 
tents here at home do rather increase than lessen, there 
being no course taken to give any kind of satisfaction. 

> Str>fii>rde'B Letter^ tdI. II. p. 264. 


equally determined, not to yield, raised 
forces, to meet him. But no bloodshed 
ensoca; a pacification was made, little to 

The king's coffers were never emptier than at tbis time, 
and to us tliat have the honour to be near about him, 
no way is yet known how he will fiin! means either to 
maintain or begin a war, without the help of his peo- 
ple. Several offers have been made bis majesty by 
particular men, to raise both horse and foot at their 
own charge, and to bring them to the rendezvous that 
the king sh&ll appoint; but they are not persons to be 
Tdied upon; or grant the king could be certain of 
tfeem, yet their number is so small, that it makes them 
inconsiderable. In a word, I fear the ways we run will 
not prevent the mischiefs that threaten us*." — In an- 
other letter of the eoth of the same month, he again 
writes to the lord deputy in these words : " The mili- 
tary preparations that are here intended do make a 
great noise, but advance slowly ; I have had the honour 
to be present at many debates for the ordering this 
wovk, where I find so much want of experience in those 
who manage this business, and such regards to private 
ends, that I have little hope to see any design prosper 
that may tend to the publick good, honour, or safety of 
this land. Upon the king's declaration of his purpose 
to be at York before Easter, it was thought fit that his 
lUfijesty should be attended with an army, consisting 
of Iwenty-four thousand foot and six thousand horse. 
All the foot, and half the proportion of horse, are to " 
be«ised out of the traiBed bands; but not any of 
them to be taken out of the northern counties: eight 
or ten of those shire 

, and a 

; to be*xemptcd from the? 
be reserved for a second supply, if 

■ Straffuih^t Lettera, vdI. 11. p. SST. 


the honour of his majesty, which caused the 

dissolution of both armies. 

However peace was of a very short con- 
there sliall be occasloQ. Where the money for the 
maintaining of these troops will be had, is yet knowii 
to very few. IVIy lord of Essex is removed from being 
general of the hoise, to be lieutenant-general of the 
army, and Holland succeeds him in the charge of the 
horse : with this change Essex is not at all pleased, 
and the marshal [earl of Arundel] is so much unsatis- 
fied, as it is thought he will absolutely quit bis com- 
mand. This alteration is said to he wrought by the 
queen, and that Hamilton hath much assisted in it, 
whose credit and power with the king is thought to be 
much increased since his late employments into Scot- 
land ; which I doubt will be of some disadvantage to his 
E^snajestie's affairs at this. time, when the world shall take 
f'.^olice, that the means how to secure this state from 
E Scots invasion, ia chiefly consulted with one of 
lat nation'." 
'he money needful for paying the forces, and a fleet 
ch his majesty equipped on this occasion, was 
Rised out of his majesty's exchequer, and by the con- 
ations of the clergy, the gentlemen of Doctors- 
commons, the English Roman catholics, and others, 
"he Scots, on notice of these preparations, took care 
3 secure the most important fortresses in that king- 
, to raise forces, to get good officers of their own 
(atioD from abroad, with arms and ammunition. 
In March 1639, the king went towards the North, to 
: himself at the head of his army, which marched 
^towards the borders of Scotland. The covenanters, 
ii geneial Lesly at their head, soon drew near him ; 

^.Sttaifaide'9 Letters lad DlB|iilche9, vol. II. p- Sie. 


tiiraance ; for Charles and tlie covenanters 

and iifter looking at each other for some time, the 
Scots petitioned for a treaty, which ended in a pacifi- 
cation on the Ibth of June. The chief articles agreed 
on were, "That as the king would not own their as- 
sembly at Glasgoe [by which all the bishops stood ex- 
communicated], so neither should the Scots be obliged 
lo disown it. That there should be a full and free 
assembly holden at Edinburgh upon August the 12th, 
and a parliament August 26. That in the mean time 
both the armies should disband, all captive prisoners 
and places be restored to the owners, and mutual as- 
surances from all damages. This was signed by the 
king, and his general and council; and the next day 
his general and the earl of Holland went to Lesly's 
head-quarters, to see it signed by him and his council 
of (irar. On the 20th both the Scotish and English 
ai'mies disbanded, and retired peaceably homeward"." 

Thus, for the present, ended these troubles, weakly 
excited in the beginning, wrongly managed when 
broke out, and poorly, for bis majesty's reputation, 
concluded. / For with the force he had, allowed by all 
greatly superior to the Scots, to make such an end of 
the business, as in effect condemned his own actions, 
and justified the covenanters, was enough to make all 
men conclude, that he was deficient either in wisdom 
or coorage. However, in excuse hereof, it must be 
owned, that the English cared not to fight against 
the Scots ill this quarrel ; that they were loth that 
they should be subdued, lest the joke should be rivet- 
ted on their own necks ; that the English commanders 
inclined towards their adversaries, and were solicitous 
for peace. 

Let princes from hence be admonisbed to bewar^ 


' Oulhr)', p. 50. 

^*22£!2S21^^^SliiIiJ^^^^^^-^^^^i^i»«^' ' 



placing no confidence in eabh other ^\ did 

how they take part ia the squabbles of eccleshisticSy 
or adopt their planfi. Had Charles let things alone, 
the Scots would have given him no trouble* ^ But, ex- 
cited by Laud, he would make them change their 
religious rites for those he better approved : little con- 
sidering that people are strongly attached to these, 
and more hardly induced to part with them, than the 
clear and indisputable commands of their Maker. By 
this conduct he involved himself in troubles, of which 
we have now seen the beginning ; but which he might 
easily have avoided, if he had possessed more know- 
ledge and less zeal. The still more fatal consequences 
will be soon seen. 

^ Charles and the covenanters placed Ao con^ence 
in each other, &c.] The treaty of pacificatioii^ was 
made June 18, 1639: "A treaty which no two who 
were present," says lord Clarendon, *' agreed in the 
same relation of what was said and done ; and which 
was worse, not in the same interpretation of the mean- 
ing of what was comprehended in writing*." No 
wonder then, it should be liable to misconstructions, 
misinterpretations, and different senses, the conse- 
quences of which, it was easy to foresee, would be a 
renewal of the troubles. His majesty in his letter to 
Wentworth, dated. Berwick, June 22, 1639, four days 
aftJer the pacification was made, has the following 
words : " There is a Scotish proverb, that bids you put 
two locks on your door, when you have made friends 
with a foe : so now, upon this }lBcification, I bid you 
to, have a most careful eye upon the noiffth of Ireland. 
NSt that I think this caution is needful in respect of 
you, but to let you see I have a care of that kingdom, 
though I liavectik) much trouble with these ^.'' Jn an- 

• Clarendon, vol. I. p. 129. ^ Stnifibrcle*8 Letters, vol. 11. p. 36 1 . 




things which escited fears and jealousies 
mutually, which soon renewed the war.— 

other letter of the 30th gf the same month, from the 
same place, he tells him his opioion of his affairs. 
" As to my affairs here, 1 am far from thlnkiog, that at 
this lime I shall g«t half of my will, tliou^ I meai^ 
hy the grace of God, to he ia person both at the as- 
sembly and in parUameatj for which I know many 
wise men blame me, and il may be you among the 
rest ; and, I cgafcEs, not without many and coDGider^ 
ble arguments, which I have neither time tg repeat 
nor confute ; only thia believe me, notJiiag but my 
presence at this time in that country can save it from 
irrepwa.ble confusion: yet I will not be so vain, as 
absolutely to say bhatlcan. Wherefore my conclusion 
is, that if I see a great probability, I go; otherwise 
not, but return to London, or tiiVe other counsels '." 
Tlie lor4 deputy, in his answer of the Sd of July fol- 
lowing, beseeches his majesty not only to keep the 
garrieoQs of Berwick and Carlisle strong, and well pro- 
vided of all kind of stores, hut to perfect th>e fortiEca- 
tioDs of Leith ; and, if possible, put in a good pow^ 
thece also of men, approved for tlieir failli, and ^al| 
for the service of the crown. " For so tot^ a defection,' 
adds he, " as hath appeared in that people, is not to 
he tirusted with your aacied person over-early, if at all; 
and tliis tlie j'atJier, for that I conceive y^:>ur desi^i$ 
^tnd royal purposes thus sustained, will have also an 
excellent iurtherffljce, and operation amongst yo^f 
subjects in England"." It a4>pears, I thiuk, pretty 
plainly Irom these passages, tbat Clmdes did not int$a4 
to deal sincerely by the Scots. AH l^liD,^:s, Jjy the 
pAci&c«tioD, were to be rcfejred to the assembly ¥«irt 
parUameui; {Jii^er his majesty determined lq go, ^ 



At first, indeed, things seemed to tend to 

settlement. For episcopacy was abolished, 

thiakiDg by his presence and influence to have got 
episcopacy established, and the ecclesiastical canons 
received; for this is what I sappose he means by say- 
ing, that nothing but his presence could save Scotland 
from irreparable confusion : if he found this was not 
to be done, he would return to London, or take other 
counsels. What these counsels were, the lord deputy's 
letter gives us room to guess : the event confirms it. 

But how secret soever Charles's counsels were, it 

is not improbable the Scots understood them; and 
therefore they, on their part, acted so as to secure 
tliemselves against them. — Mr, Butler, in a letter to 
Wentworth, dated Ellerton, July 3d, 1639, writes, "I 
suppose your lordsiiip hath long ere this heard of an 
accord betwixt the king and his majestie's subjects of 
Scotland, and have seen the conditions. By their 
writing they pretend fair, and by their words pretend 
SB much subjection and loyalty to the king as can be 
shed ; but I pray God, when it comes to the per- 
TEoance, they make it good. I hear, at this instant, 
ley begin to make a very large (and, no doubt, a very 
false) interpretation of that article for disbanding both 
tbeir armies. They will needs have this extend to 
Berwick and Newcastle, and so have ao garrisons kept 
ttiere ; a thing not spoken of before our men and arms 
^^ere sent home, and the like in other things. Tis 
'■i' _- .1 J. .„..« ..„.« i,;„ :„^.— .1 f i„ ^ — 1 



true, they do restore unto his majesty those forts and 
castles they had taken in Scotland : but, if it be as I 
hear, ihej might as well Veep them still ^ for they 
suffer the king to put into those places but what num- 
ber of men they think good ; and this in the common 
acceptation, is accounted but juggling, to make good i 

^k their words only, neglecting the sense and substance 

^B of them. Theldug is still at Berwick, and tho' coaches J 


the canons and liturgy were laid aside, the 

high commission was declared to have no 

, power, and the articles of Perth were no 

have been laid these four or five days by command, to 
carry his majesty southward, yet aow for certain, I 
hear he intends ,to see Edinburgh before hisj retura 
to London. My lord of Holland came by within these 
two days. Most of the lords aad gentlemen had taken 
leave ten days ago ; and, I dare say, they need not be 
bidden to make haste home, after once they had their 
dispatch : I did not think so gentle a potion could have 
wrought so strongly as I see it did with many of them. 
The king's officers are sent for back again : the number 
with his majesty now at Berwick, I hear, is very small : 
counsellors, only my lord Marshall, Sir Henry Vane, 
and Mr. Secretary Coke. My lord, 1 will discourse no 
longer of this subject ; I wish we were not over-witted 
by these smooth-tongued men. It was my fortune to 
be at the camp at two of their days of meeting, and 
afterwards heard a Iree liberal discourse of all passages 
by some of the commissioners of both sides; and, to 
my understanding, methought we still gave too much 
belief to their large promises. I was bold to say 
to some of them, I would fain see something done, 
that might testify them the same they had profess- 
ed '." Lord Wentworth, who seems not to have loved 
the Scots, and who knew himself mortally hated by 
them, in a letter to the king, dated Dublin Castle, 22 
Jidy, 1639, expresses himself as follows: " Of yonr 
majestie's resolution to go in person into Scotland, I 
shall not presume to deliver my opinion ; yet I humbly 
crave leave to beseech your majesty to apply your own 
t excellent rule there also, whicli is, neither to believe or 

* Straflorde'i Letter), vol. II. p. 3fi^ 

•40 THE LIFE OF ] 

nore to be subscribed. Traquair, 
sty's high commissioner, gave his assent 
) these things, in liis name, though against 

Kpect fartlier thaa you seej and against all events 
cot only to secure your return, but byyourprovidcDce 
i foresee and prevent the being constrained upon the 
lace to comply witii any tiling which may in the least 
re<B too hard upon your hoTiour, or embolden either 
l^bose or other your subjects in the future; these three 
irinciples being, in my weat judgment, to be granted : 
" That it was the knowledge tlie covenanters had of 
' own weakness, not their better aflections, that 
bitdined them to seek an accommodation. 
" That nothing is to be yielded there, which, by way 
biif precedent, may encourage those of England to pro- 
test, or contest your rojal commands, or the laws al- 
ready established. 

" That England and Ireland miniatcring to your so- 
vereignty, as I am nrost confident, if rightly handled, 
. they will, there is abundantly in your power suddenly 
■ Slid safely to conform the other to your will, in all just 
-fc tilings." — He adds : " I should humbly crave this let- 
ter were burnt, not out of any aspect towards myself, 
Wt much rather i[i regard I know not what conae- 
^aences it might prodoce, in case tbefaction Snd that 
my such considcrBtions have been humbly presented to 
lajestie's wisdom V The day before the date 
f this letter, his majesty had written to the lo«I de- 
uty, from Berwick, to come over to him for some 
le, to give him his counsel aud attendance, for rea- 
I which be thought not Ht to express by letter, 
ethan thi£,"adds he, "the Scote covenant begins 
ead too tax-, yd for nVl t^is, I will not have you 

• Stiafforde's IflicrB anii Disjialclicj, r<4. IL p. 372. 



his inclinations. But the parliament being 
disposed by its authority to confirm what 
the assembly had done, and Hkewise to se- 

take notice that I have sent for you ; but pretend 
some other occitsioii of hnalness '." 

Whilst Charles was in this disposition of mind, he 
gave instructions lo the earl of Traquair, whom he ap- 
pointed his higli commissioner in Scotland, These 
instractions shew that Charles was full of tricks and 
evasions, and very far from that openness and honesty 
on which security alone CRti be founded. He allows 
him lo consent to the abolishing of episcopacy; but^ 
bids him " be careful that it be done without the ap-* 
pearing of any waiTant from the bishops; and if any, 
says he, offer to appear for them, you are to enquire 
for their warrant; and carry the dispute so, as the con- 
clusion seem not to bemadeiu prejudice of episcopacy 
as unlawful, but only in satisfaction to the people for 
set6ing the present disorders, and such other reasons 
of state," And in the conclusion he orders him to 
protest, " That in respect of his majestie's resolution 
of not coming in person, and that his mstructions were 
upon short advertisement, whereupon many things 
might have occurred, in which he had not his majestie's 
plcagure; and for such other reasons as occasion might 
furnish, he was to protest, that in case any thing had 
escaped him, or bad been condescended upon in the 
assembly, prejudicial to his majestie's service, that his 
majesty might be heard for redress Aereof in his own 
time and place V These instructions are dated Ber-. _ 
wick, July 27, 1639- And in his further instiuotioni 
to TraquaiTj be assures him, he will not alter any thing 

' StraUbnle'i Letters and Dispatches, roL 11, p. 3~2 





cure for the future the civil and religious 
rights of their nation, was prorogued to the 
next year. This caused great uneasiness, 

in his instructions about episcopacy ; that though he is* 
content to discharge the service-book, the book of 
canoDti, the high commission, and the five articles of 
Perth; yet he will never give his assent that they be 
condemned as popish and superstitious, as illegal and 
contrary to the confession of faith. With regard to 
subscribing the covenant of 15S0, "you," says his ma- 
jesty, " must have an especial care of, that the bond be 
the same that was in our father's lime, mtUati$ mitlandis; 
and that you give your assent no other ways to the 
interpretations thereof, than may stand with our future 
intentions, well known to you ; nor is the same other- 
wise to be ratified in parliament." After this his ma- 
jesty tells him, if things could not thus pass, he should 
prorogue the parliament to the next spring. But by 
what follows it is plain Charles bad no expectations of 
success in the assembly oi parliament, but that his de- 
signs were on the renewal of the war. " And because," 
says he, " it is not improbable that this way [of pro- 
roguing the parliament] may produce a present rupture, 
you are to warn and assist Uulhven for the defence of 
the castle of Edinburgh ; and to take in general the 
like care of all our houses and forts in that kingdom; 
and likewise to advertise all such as arc affected to our 
service, that timeousiy they may secure themselves,' 

The day after the date of these instructions the king 
took post at Berwick, and airived at London the 1st of 

Charles being thus returned, the assembly met at 
Edinburgh, and passed several acts, whereby all that 
had been doing for years was abolished, with the con- 
sent of Traqu^, and the covenant ordered to be sub- 


owl I 

iifld was followed by such actions as were 
displeasing to Charles, and furnished him| 
with a pretence for renewing the war. In^ 

scribed by all ranks and degrees. The parliament of 
Scotland also met, and were equally zealous in securiog 
their civil, as the assembly had been with regard to 
their religious privileges. Let us hear lord Northum- 
berland's representation of their behaviour. In a letter 
to lord Leicester, dated London, Oct. 17, 1639, he 
writes, " The lord deputy [Wentworth] is called in to* 
consult of the Scotch affairs, with the archbishop and 
Hamilton. The insolencies and disorders of that na- 
tion are greater than ever they were. They will now ' 
admit of no third estate in parliament, but of the 
gentrie : lords of the articles they will not allow of, 
nor will they suffer the king to make any officers of 
state, or judge, but of such as they shall nominate. 
When one of these places are voydc, they will present 
three names to the king, out of which he is to chuse 
one. If the king refuse these demands, and go about 
to break their parliament, I hear they are resolved to 
sit without his raajestie's leave. I doe much appre- 
hend the difficulty of finding means to maister these 
great affaires'." However the king, displeased with 
what waB done, and apprehensive that nothing better 
was to be hoped for, ordered Traquair to prorogue the 
parliament to the next year. This he did; but the 
Scots declared it was against their privileges, though, 
out of regard to his majesty, they complied with it. 
What followed is comprised in lord Northumberiand'a 
letter to lord Leicester, dated London, Nov. 28, 1639. 
" The Scots have submitted to the king's adjournment 
of their parliament; but with such a protestation, or 

* Sjdaejr '9 Papers, -voL n.p. 614s 

344 THE LIFE or 

the mean while the Scots were admitted io^ 
Sfcnd clopaties to London, to justify their 
"Coliduct. But what happened to the earl 

declaration, as his majesty is not satisfied. The affi- 
les of their army they still continue together at Edin- 
obrgh, and hkewisc keep up their several tables, where 
they often meeie, and hold consultations for the order- 
ing their affaires, which shews they have no disposition 
to obedience, except the king purchase their good-wills 
at too deare a rate. Traquair came to this towne last 
flight : what he hrings more than these generals, I 
know not; hut certain I am, that some of the principal 
directors in these Scotch businesses think he hath 
much disserved his majesty in this last assembly ond 
parliament"." Upon Traqiiair's aitival, he gave an ac- 
count to the couhcil of what had passed in Scotland, 
who thereupon unanimously agreed, that it was neces- 
sary to reduce the Scots by force; and accordingly 
was resolved on. Thus Charles accomplished what he 
seemed to liave heeft bent on from the treaty of pacifi- 
cation, the renewal of the war, wblcli his friends 
pught he had very meanly and ignominiously ended, 
md by which, it is said, he discerned he had lost 
eputation at home and abroad^. But it must be 
Stnfessed, this renewal of il, in his circumstances, was 
still weaker, if possible, than What he had before done 
in these affairs. It had little foundation in justice or 
prudence, seeing it proceeded from resentment of the 
behaviour of the Scolish assembly and parliament, to 
which he had consented nil things civil and ecclesiasti- 
cal should he roFeried; aod also from a desire to make 
that people submit to the use of words, the sound 
of which were harsh in their cars, ahdtb a government 

• Sydney's Papers, vol. II. p. 620, * Clarendon, vol. I. p, 185. 



of Loudon, one of them, did not tend much 
to terminate the diiFerences " : tor he was 

ill the church, which appeared in their eyes odioni aneP 
abominable. It is tiue, he had outwardly conseated 
to the abolishing of those things which appeared griev- 
ous unto ihem : but his heart was set on the restortlMJ 
theiH at the same time; for he assured tlie ScotisS 
hishops, alier the abovementioned instructions were! 
given to Traquair, " That it should be one of his 
chiefcst studies how to rectify and establish the go- 
vernment of that church aright, and to repair their 
losses V In order to do this was the train laid, in the 
manner now mentioned, for renewing ihe war, whJcfaA 
could not be of the least consequence to the English^ ,, 
at whose cxpcnce it was to be waged, and which littl^ t 
conirihutcd to Charles's own reputation. ' 

" What happened to the earl of Loudon — did 90I 
tend much to terminate the differences.] After th< 
prorogation of the Scotish parliament, it was resolve^'l 
to " make remonstrances to his majesty, and that somtf' ' 
of each state should remain at Edinburgh to atteoi^ 
his answer. Accordingly they sent the lord Loudoa 
and ftnother peer as their deputies to the king at-H 
Whitehall ; but they coming without warrant from his 
majestie's commissioner, were commanded back with- 
out audience. After this, they sent another petitioi 
to his majesty, desiring permission to send some of 'j 
their number for their own vindication ; which his nu 
jesty granting, the lords Loudon and Dumferling WCI 
again sent up, who being commanded lo attend a fon 
mtjllee at an appointed time, resented the thing, anf 
did not think themselves obliged to treat with any h 
the king only. Upon which his majesty Vouchsafe^ . 
fais presence in the naid committee, where the lord " 

• RutiiinHth, ral. III. p. 9A1. 



sent to the Tower by the king, and ver^" 
narrowly escaped with his life. Howevei!j>t- 

don maie a speech, declaring the independency of the 
crown of Scotland; and justified the transactions of 
the assembly and parliameol, tliat they were according 
to the articles of pacification, and laws and customs 
of the nation: therefore they desired a ratification o^. 
their proceedings, and that the parliament might g*^' 
on to determine of all bills for the settlement of peace. 
Having finished his speech, their commission was exa- 
mined by the council, and found not at all obligator; 
to those that sent them: yet an imperfect paper was 
produced, authorizing Loudon and Dumferling, which 
was at length accepted. Yet they were soon checked; 
for after they had insisted upon their foresaid requests, 
their proceedings were summed up to them, and a let- 
ter produced by the king, that had been intercepted, 
wrote to the French king, indorsed jiu Roy, a stile 
only used hy subjects to their natural king, and sub- 
scribed by the lords Rotlies, Montrose, Mar, Loudon, 
and Forrester; in which they addressed to his majesty, 
as the refuge and sancttiary of afflicted princes and 
states, most humbly beseeching him to give faith and 
credit to Mr. Colvil, whom they had sent to represent 
the candour and ingenuity of their proceedings, and to 
assure themselves of an assistance suited to his wonted 
clemency. This was found to be the lord Loudon's 
own hand, who being examined upon it, lefused to 
give any other answer, than that it was wrote before 
the agreement, and thereupon reserved and never sent : 
that if he had committed any offence, he ought to be 
questioned for it in Scotland, and not in England: and 
insisting upon his safe-conduct, demanded his liberty 
to return '•" But, notwithstanding all this, Loudon was 

• Cninfurd's IJVM, p. 8*1, 


after some time, he was released, and re- 
turned into Scotland. But the thoughts of 
war were not laid aside. His majesty chose 

committed to the Tower. " This was highly resented 
by the Scolish lords, as a violation of the law of na- 
tioDS, to meddle with any public messenger; but the 
king judged no consideration could warrant his sub- 
jects to coiDQiit treason, nor secure them from trial 
and censure, when found guilty. There were some ill ■ 
instruments about the king, who advised him to pro- 
ceed capitally against Loudon, which is believed went 
very far; but the marquis [of Hamilton] opposed this 
vigorously, assuring the king, that if that were done, 

Scotland was for ever lostV How fai' the advices 

of these ill instruments proceeded, Burnet thought it 
not safe at that time to say plainly; but the parlLcu- 
lars of it will appear from a memorandum, " written 
by Dr. White Kennet, then bishop of Peterborough, 
in the blank leaf of his copy of these memoirs, now in 
the possession of the Hon. Mr. Charles Yorke of Lin- 
coln's- Inn. 

" Mem. On Thursday Feb. 5, J718-I9, Mr. Frazier, 
late secretary of Chelsea-college, paid me a visit, with 
John Chamberiayne, Esq; and upon a discourse of 
Scotland, 8lc. told us this story, with very great assur- 
atice of the truth of it : That soon after the publication 
of^this book [Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton], h 
was in the company of several English peers, when th 
author, Mr. Burnet, was then present. One of the* 
noble peers charged him with having left out several 
things, for fear of offending the court. Why, yes, 
said Mr. Burnet, I could not put down every thing I 
found in the papers committed to me, because some 
things would not bear telling. Ihe lord replied, 
' Bnrirel'g Memolis of Hamilton, p. 1 6 1 . 



t^ select number of his council to consult 

ftbout the Scotish affairs. Of these Straf- 

" forde» Hamilton, and Laud, were most in 

Truth should be told. Yes, said Mr. Burnet; but if 
3 be truth, what do }rou think of its being fit to be 
'While the earl of Loudon lay prisoner in the 
er, king Charles I. in his passionate resentments 
Igainst him, sent a warrant to Sir William Bali'our, 
lutenant of the Tower, to execute the prisoner for 
I treason the next morning. The lieutenant ac- 
faainted the earl of Loudon with the warrant be had 
ived, and desired his opinion how to avoid the ex- 
:ulion of it. The earl of Loudon, after a grievous 
!ompIaint that he had been very unjustly committed 
> that prison, and was to have his life barbarously 
i away, earnestly desired Balfour to go to the 
arquiss of Hamilton, and bog bis advice and good 
I it. He went accordingly to court that even- 
ing, to find out the marcjuiss; but could not light upon 
him, till his innji.'sty was gone to bed. The marquiss 
1 the lieutenant came back to the chamber-door, and 
'.vere much surprised to hear that the king was in bed. 
^ jft/ter some waiting and fretting, one told Sir William 
"Balfour, that, as lieutenant of the Tower, he had a pri- 
Tilege to knock at the king's chamber-door at any 
bour of the night, and so have admission to his ma- 
ft fe stY. Upon which cncouragcnietit, he did knock till 
jpfce was heard by the groom of the bed-chamber, who 
asked, who was there? Balfour answered, the lieute- 
mt of the Tower upon business with the king. The 
king bade him let him in. He came, and fell on his 
Jkoees at the bedside, and begged to know whether the 
WarmDt for the execution of Loudon was legally ob- 
tained from his mBJcBty, and whether he could legally 






credit with the king, and their advice 
chiefly relied on. The war was by them 
deemed necessary, as well as by Charles, 

proceed in the executioD of it? using some arguments 
and entreaties for the recalling, at least the suspending, 
of it. No, says the king, the waiTant ia mine, and you 
shall ohey it. Upon which the maiquiss of Hamilton, 
who had stood at the door, slept up, and fell likewise on 
his knees before the king, and begged, that he wouM 
not insist upon such an extraordinary resolution. The 
king seemed very peremptory in it; till the maiquiss, 
in a way of taking leave, said to this effect: Well 
then, if your majesty be so determined, I'll go, and get 
ready to ride post for Scotland to-morrow morning; 
for I am sure, before night, the whole cily will be in 
an uproar, and they'll come and pull your majesty <ntt 
(rf your palace, I'll get as far as I can, and declare «o 
my countrymen, that I had no hand lu it. The king 
Was struck at this, and bid the marqniss call the lieute- 
nant again; who coming back to the btclside,theking 
a^d. Give me the warjaut; and taking it, tore it in 

" Is this story now, said Mr. Eumet, fit to be 
told? All the company stood amazed, and held up 
their hands. Hearing this story, says Mr. Frazier, 
with mine own ears, I once related it to the late duke 
of Hamilton, who was killed in a duel ; and his grace 
said, that he had often run over the jxipers, from which 
Dr. Burnet drew out his materials lor tliis book, and 
he had tliem now in his custody in Scotland; and he 
well remembered, that l.hcre was such a relation there 
given, and that he verily IteUeved it to be true'," 
This memorandum I have giv^n at large, that the 

Appendi^T to the Bnqoiry into GlaiDDrgEiii's Transactiai 



who, after debate concerning the meiinB of 
supporting it, concluded at length on fil- 
ing a parliament **, which accordingly was 

reader may perceive the evidence on which the relation 
stands, and judge of it accordingly. The same fact is 
to be found in other writers (though Mr. Hume has 
thought proper wholly to overlook it), as may be seen 
in the margin \ What must every impartial person 
now think of Charles? Where is his boasted justice^ 
clemency, or mercy ? Where his regard to the laws of 
nations, the laws of England, of which he averred hi$ 
great knowledge on his trial, or the common rights of 
humanity? Or where was even the policy of such a 
cruel inhunum resolution ? To order a nobleman, sent 
by another .kingdom to transact affairs, to be put to 
death without form of law, or judgment given by those 
who alone could have power to pass it, on a pretence 
most frivolous, was little worthy of a man who pre- 
tended conscience on all occasions, and set himself up 
for the patron of religion. We may well suppose this 
action did not tend to conciliate the affections of the. 
Scotish nation to his person and government. 

^' Concluded at length on calling a parliament! 
Lord Northumberland, in a letter to the earl of Leices^ 
ter, dated London, Decemb. 12, 1639^ speaking con- 
cerning the committee for Scotish affairs, of which be 
was a member, tells him, '' This committee hath lat^jr. 
had several meetings, to consider by what means fhe^ 
rebdlious Scots should be brought to obedience; for 
all agreed, that it was unfit for the king to condescend^ 
to their unreasonable demands. Two ways were oijij^ 
thought on, for the rayseing of monyes, by the oitth 

* Cnwfuid's livflf, p. 201. Ludlow no liar, p. 40. 4to: Lond. 1692^ 
Oldmiaon'i Hiitocy of the Stuartf » vol. L p. 140. 


Assembled, but was of short duration : for 
his majesty insisting on large supplies, be« 

narie way of parlament, or by extraordinarie wayes of 
power: the charge requisite for this work (to mentaine 
an army of SQm. foote and 5m. horse) was computed 
at a million of pounds a yeare. To perswade a parla- 
ment to furnish the king presently with so much, was 
conceayed a very unlikely thing. The king's revenew, 
upon examination, appeared to be so anticipated, as 
little could be hoped for from thence; laying excites, 
injoining each countie to mentaine a certaine number 
of men whilst the warre lasted, and such like wayi^ 
were by some far prest; but met with so many weightie 
objections, that those lords, that were all this while 
most averse to parlaments, did now begin to advise the 
king'i makeing triall of his people in parliament, he* 
fore he used any way of power. This being advised 
by their lordships (who, to say truth, found themselves 
so pusseld, that they knew not where to begin), the 
king was soon gained, and resolved, the next coun- 
cil-day, to propose it to the rest of the lords, which 
accordingly was done; and though it came very unex- 
pectedly to them, yet it passed without opposition. 
The day appointed for the meeting of parliament is 
the 13th of April next: a parliament in Ireland must 
precede ours ; and without the deputy be here, some 
are of opinion, the king^s affairs cannot prosper. If, in 
the meane tyme, the Scotts will not rest satisfied with 
what the king did last yeare promisse them, by his ar- 
ticles of pacification, fyre and sworde shall come 
amongst them. Such incendiaries are here amongst 
us, that, to speake freely to your lordship, I doiiotic^ 
how we shall possibly avoid falling into gjtBfit toinSit* 
tunes. Before the king can have any B1|gijyr^^||||p^^ 
parlament, it is conoeaved that he wfl 



fore auy of their numerous grievances were 
["♦edressed ; and they not iuiniediatcly grant- 

I :|K:caBion for the imploying a good summe of money 
["Jor the strengthening hia northerne garrisons, and sc- 
I ^^urlng chose parts with some troupes, both of horse 
y'jBid foote. His own credite not serving for the taking 
I'pp of these moneys, his majeatie is forced to engage 
R'bis counccil : some of them undertake the furnishing 
; ,10, some 20 thousand pounds. The deputy is pre- 
"fently returning into Ireland, with a commission to be 
ftenant of that kingdom'." 
f In the Lent following, Wentworth, now made eajl of 
Etrdffordc, and lord lieutenant, relumed into Ireland, 
prhere he staid about a fortnight; " in which time he 
1 parliament, had four subsidies given there ; ap- 
k^pointed a council of war, and gave orders to levy eight 
P'lthouBand foot in Ireland; which, together with two 
^diousand foot and a thonsand hotsc, which was the 
^ftinding aimy in Ireland, and five hundred horse to be 
P Joined with them, were to be seat into Scotland, under 
f his lordship's command V His own letters will best 
JFepresent the hopes he gave Charles, and the confi- 
dence with which he inspired him. " In a few words," 
Bays he, in bis letter to the king, dated Dublin, Good- 
Friday morning, l640, " Sir, your person and autho- 
rity here is infinitely honoured and rcveienced: this 
|teople, abundantly comforted and satisfied in your 
justice, sot with exceeding great alacrity to serve the 
crofTB the right way in these doubtful limes, and much 
trusting; and believing us your majesty's poor miuis- 
Srs; all this in as high a measure as yonr own priticel/ 
art can wiUi. And if all this be not literally true, let 
lie fthame be mine, io wretchedly to have misinformed 

. H. p. 623. 

■> Siniffijrilc's Lettei«, 


■ icig his.dcm 

■ he ill ,ereat 

,CEARLES,I'. i35S 

I, demand, but deliberatiog tjUereprt, 
he ill .great Jiaste di^^lvtjd tUem; to, tine 
dissaJ^sfaction of . hi^ , frientls and tiic joy , of 

your majesty'." And in a letter to secretary Winde- 
bank, dated Ap. 4th, of the same year, beiug on bo^id 
the piunace for liis return to Englandj he has tlie same 
kind of expressions. " I liave left that people as fuljy 
satisfied, and as well affected to his majesty's peraqn 
and seivice, as can possibly be wished for, notwith- 
standing the philosophy of some amongst you there i|ii 
the court, who must needs have it beJieved, true pr 
.false, that that people ai'e infinitely distasted with the , 
present government, and hating of me; which error lostt J 
.very easily remit unto them, considering that thereby,^ 
the truth will be more clearly understood unto all, and 
in conclusion the shame fall upon themselves. I haye 
also used all possible diligence in setting on the levies, 
and making all other provisions incident for the trans- 
portation of the eight thousand foot and one thousand 
horse, and ready tbey will be, I trast, by the midst.of 
July, always provided that the conditions, mentioned 
in my former lettei-s, be complied withall. And thift 1 
am able to assure his majesty, that I find that people 
as forward to venture their persons, as they have been 
to open their purses, and inlarge their engagements to- 
wards the instant occasion, infinitely disdaining bis 
majesty should be so insolenUj' proceeded with, and 
unworthily provoked by those covenanters: towhichi 
will only add tlius much (if truth may be, spoken with- 
out offence to. such as would have it thought to be 
otherwise), that not only the standing officers and sol- 
diers of that army, but the Irishry themselves, also .will 

1 '. Strafibrde's Letter^ vpl. II' p. 402- ■ 



. his adversaries. Whereupon, being sti}I 
bent on carrying on the war, he had re- 
f •■ course to his usual methods of supplying 

go (to speak uiodeatly) as willingly and gladly, under 
my commaEid, as of any other English subject whatso- 
ever'." No doubt Charles was pleased with Straf- 
forde's success in Ireland, and animated by these posi- 
tive assurances of the affection and assistance to be re- 
lied on, though the event plainly shewed that the lord 
lieutenant waa imposed on himself, ur deceived his 
ajesty, who had a very high opinion of his abilities. 
The parliament of England met on the 13ih day of 
pril, 1640; and his majesty assured them, that " there 
:ver was a king that had a more great and weighty 
cause to call his people together, than himself." — The 
lord keeper was referred to by him for the particulars, 
It is well known this parliament was soon dissolved. 
Charles wanted supplies for his Scotish expedition; 
the house of commons insisted on a redress of their 
manifold grievances. He being not then disposed to 
grant the one, they were as little disposed to give him 
the other; though they are represented as men well at- 
tached to the crown both by lord Clarendon '', and 

other historians.- The behaviour of Charles towards 

this parliament, Bolingbrokc has well represented iti 
the words following: " That the civil war, which fol- 
lowed, might have been prevented, appeared very ma- 
'nifestly in the temper and proceedings of the parlia- 
ment, which met in April W40, when all had been 
done, which could be done, to destroy the constitu- 
tion; for if the king had been able to continue to go- 
vern without parliaments, the constitution had been 

* Straffarde'i Letten, toI. II. p. 403. ' Clarenilcin, rel. I. p. 133, kc. 

himself by the prerogative. No sooner was 

destroyed: and when calling a parliament was visibly 
the effect of necessity and fear, not choice, the parlia- 
ment, which was called, shewed wonderful order and 
•obriety in their whole behaviour. If some passion 
had appeared in their debates, it might have been well 
excused in an house of commons, assembled at such a 
time: and yet scarce an angry word was thrown out. 
The few, that escaped from some, were either silently 
disliked, or openly disapproved. The king, even in 
this crisis of affairs, preserved the same carriage he 
had formerly usetl towards tliem, and shewed too 
plainly that he regarded them oiily as tax-layers, lu 
a word, in about a month after their meeting, he dis- 
solved them; and as soon as he liad dissolved them, he 
repented, but he repented too late, of his rashness. 
Well might he repent; for the vessel was now fuU, 
and this last drop made the waters of bitterness over- 
flow'," A message to the house of commons by Sir 
Henry Vane the elder, secretary of state and treasurer 
of the lioushold, on the 4th of May, will best explaio 
this carriage, which his lordship refers to it. It is in 
the following words. — " Whereas, upon Saturday last, 
his majesty was pleased to send a message to this 
house, desiring you to give a present answer concern* 
• ing his supply; to which his majesty hath yet no otlier 
answer, but that upon this day you will again take it 
into further consideration : therefore his majesty {the 
better to facilitate your resolutions) this day hath 
thought fit to let you know, that of his grace and fa- 
vour he is pleased, upon your granting twelve subsi- 
dies to be presently passed, and to be paid in three 
years, with a proviso, that it shall not determine the 

■ Craftsman, toI. VII. p. 394. 



Ife parliament dissolved, but some ntem- 

13, liis majesty will not only, for the present, for- 
bear the levying, of Hny ship-money, but will give way 
to the utter abolishing of it, by any course thai your- 
selves shall like best. Aud for your grievances, bis 
.. majesty will (according to liis royal promise) give you 
as much time as may be now, and the next Miehael- 
mas; and be expects a present and positive answer, 
upon whieb be may rely, bis affairs being in such a 
condition as can endure no longer delay. Hereupon 
the house was turned into a grand committee, and 
nt the whole day till six at night in debate of this 
ssage; but came to no resolution, and desired Sir 
ury Vane to acquaint his majesty, tbat they intend- 
i the next day to proceed in thefuither consideration 
lereof." But on the next day (tlie king being en- 
d at their not immediately complying,) as I have 
efore observed, they were dissolved in an angiy man- 
; his majesty telliog the lords, " That it had been 
» the malicious cunning of some few seditiously atfected 
rfflen [in the house of commons], that had been the 

• ' J cause of the misunderstanding''." Thus if the king 

bad great and weighty cause to call togetlier this par- 
liament, for a very small, or rather no cause, did he 
part from it; " for," says Clarendon, " no man could 
s what offence the commons had given, which 
iul the king upon that resohition '." But Charles was 
■ont to act rashly- and precipitately, to come suddenly 
1 hastily to a resolution, and as suddenly to repent 
His end, indeed, be kept steadily in view; but 
e means to accomphsh it were, for the most part, ill- 
Id^d',' and ilUconducGed. No wonder, iheiefore, lie 

Biuhwortb, vol. III. p. 1154.' ''"HI p. 11 55. ' Clitreniloii, vol. I, p. UO. 


bers of the house of cohiraons were sum- 
moned before tlie coxmcil ", on account of 
what had passed there; and, not answering 
to his majesty's sAtisf^ttibri, w'^i'^ mipri- 
soned. Ship-nioney titiw was' eiiacted with 
^eat rigour; arid sucti sli^riffs as were 

" Some members of the frdiii'se" of cbmmoDs were 
sumrtioned befoi'e the ctib'rt'cll, fiitd— irrt'firi'io/ierf.] 
Charles hSd a very high ophiWn of the rfegjil p6wtr, 
and' ii very contemplible one of the powet'of '^'irlfa- 
ments, 'This has been proved' in tbe notes 4S alid «S.„ 
Here foIl6ws stiU farther proof of it, a3 ftell as bfbla 
violating the privileges of the membei^ of that most 
illustrious body. Soon after the parliament was dis- 
solved, his majesty published a declaration to all his 
loving subjects, of the causes which inoved'liiin to 
dissolve th^ last parliament. In this declaration he 
tr&ts with great severity of language his former parlia- 
ments; shews the end he had in view in calling this 
last, even the raising money to support the army to be 
raised against the Scots; bis willingness to have rc- 
'drfessed their grievances, even before they had given 
hitn a supply, if the great necessity of his occasions 
would have permitted; the neglect of ihe coniitiohs lo 
g^Ve him content, notwithstanding they were pressed 
to do it by hirtisetf and the lords, and that he had 
declared he would afterwards redress their grievances : 
I'^ay, after having set forth these things, he obsei-ves, ■ 
"'Those ill-affected members of the house of coni-'^ 
mons, instead of an humble and dutiful way df; pre- ' 
sentihg their grievances to his majesty, liave tafceh 


theth io I 
a thatc 



iets and directors in all 

■matters ttiat'cOncern his niajestie's government, 


kings 'wfeft 


jiegligent in executing the writs for raising 
were ordered to be prosecuted in the 
f 3tar-chanibcr. 

KQighthood-money was set on foot, and 
citizens of London invited to a loan. 
Put they generally refusedj being discon- 

F-l^ound to give an account of their regal actions, and of 
L.itheir manner of government, to their subjects assembled 
^ IB parliament) tliey hare, in a very audacious and 
insolent way, entered into examination and censuring 
of the present government, traduced his majestie's 
administration of justice, rendered, as much as in 
^ them lay, odious to the rest of his majestie's subjects, 
k not only the officers and ministers of state, but even 
L'^iB majestie's very government, which hath been so 
[ jiist and gracious, that never did this or any other 
Ljnation enjoy more blessings and happiness, than hath 
Vbeen by all his majestie's subjects enjoyed ever since 
tts majestie's access to the crown: nor did this 
atiDgdom ever so flourish in trade and commerce as at 
this present, or partake of more peace and plenty 
in all kinds whatsoever." — Having thus vented his 
resentment against those members that oflended him 
in parliament, and praised his own government, he 
" permits his loving subjects freely to address them- 
selves by their humble petitions lo his sacred majesty, 
.if they have any just cause to complain of any griev- 
mces or oppressions, who will graciously hear their 
bmplaints, and give such fitting redress therein, that 
11 his people shall have just cause to acknowledge his 
IPgrace and goodness towards tliem; and to be fully 
Iptisfied that no persons or assemblies can more prevail 
*Vi'^ ^'B majesty, than the piety and justice of his owa 
Toyal nature, and the tender affection he doth and shall 





tented at the present proceedings, as well 
as angry on account of their treatment 
about Londonderry, of which I have former- 
ly spoken. However little, comparatively,. 

ever bear to all his people and loving subjects"." — 
Were a man disposed to be severe on the memory of 
Charles, this declaration would afford hiin abuudant 
matter for it. To hear a government extolled as just 
and gracious; a nation declared to have enjoyed so 
great happiness, when all steps had been taken to en-, 
slave it, and all orders and degrees of men had ex- 
perienced the intolerable rigour and severity of the 
administration; mustlill one with indignation against 
such as attempt so grossly to impose on mankind. 
• Lord Clarendon, though he has spoken of Charles's 
oppressions, or those of his ministers, in strong and 
just terms many times, yet, after all, avci-s, agreeably 
to this declaration, " Tlial during the whole time that, 
these pressures were exercised, and those new and 
extraordinary ways were run— which was above twelve 
years, this kingdom, and all his majestie's dominions, 
enjoyed the greatest calm, and the fullest measure of 
felicity, dial any people in any age, for so long time 
together, have been blessed with V One would think 
his lordship, as well as the compiler of his majesty's 
declaration, imagined that iheir readers were all desti- 
tute of common sense, or totally ignorant of Charles's 
government. For a man of a tolerable knowledge in the 
history, and a tolerable capacity, must draw very 
different conciusions from the facts recited in the fore- j 
going notes. 

Let us now go on with the history. — " The dajr 
following tlie dissolution of this parliament, some' 

' Ruahwortb, vol. Ill, p. llnS. 

' Clarendon, vol, I, p, T4, 



was produced, except by the clergy,' no- 
bility, and gentry belonging to llie cbl^rt.'' 
these indeed contributed liberally. ' But" 
though a* to^l amiy was mised, arid' the 

members were iiiip'rUoned : the lord Brooks hia study, 
cabiiiets, and pockets were searched for papers ; Henry 
Bellasis, kilight of the shire for the county of York, 
and Sir John Hotliam, were convened before the 
coiincif, and there examined concerning some par- 
ticulars importing the king's service, whcrcunto they 
making (as tlie boai'd conceived) no satisfactory 
answers (for tliey were interrogated concerning passages 
in piirliament, his majesty being present in council), 
were ordered to be committed to the Fleet.— John 
Crew, Esq. was also convented before tlie board, his 
itiajesty being present hi council, and was there desired 
by bis majesty to deUver to the clerk of the house of 
commons all petitions, papers, and complaints that he 
had received, being in the chair at the committee for 
religion. But he desired^ for some reasons, to be 
excused as to the delivery of them; whereupon it was 
commanded that he should be committed close prisoner 
to the Tower, where he continued till near the time of 
the meeting of another parliament, Nov- 3, 1640'," 
These were likely methods to conciliate the affections 
of the English nation to this prince Indeed! These 
were prndent measures! well-timed severities! which 
must he of great service when Scotland was in arnis, 
. and his majesty destitute of the means of resisting 
them! But he imagined there was magic in the name 
of King, which gave him the liberty of doing as,be 
pleased, and the jtowcr of bending all to his wilt. 
However, he soon found himself mistaken. — Lord 

• Rnshworlh, TOl, HL p. 1167. 

king jti person commanded it, yet its sue* 
i^sVas but very iiidiftierent: for the Soldier^, 


ClareniJon teils us, " Thae the kih^, when he 1 
iieiier reflected oa what was like to fell out, and wa_ 
better informed of the temper and duty of the hons^j 
of commons — was lieaitily sorry for what he had don^ 
— and, he says, he consulted the same day, 
next, whether he might by his proclamation recall 
them, to meet together again"." Bolingbrokc, in the 
passage quoted in the foregoing note, speaks also of' 
his speedy repentance for this dissolution. But hoflT 
to reconcile this with the known facts of Charles'il 
piihlishing the above-quoted declaration, so highlyJ 
injurious nnto them, and his treatment of somt of tl 
members, is beyond, I think, every ordinary capacityl J 
— I shall conclude this note with observing, thdt^ 
Charles's whole conduct at this lime waa void 
prudence and policy. Divers aldermen of London,^ 
were sent for to the council-table, to give in the n 
of such citizens as were able to lend the king inoneyj J 
which they refiising to do, were committed to prison"*.^ 
The lord mayor and sheriffs of London were ordered' t6 
he proceeded against in the Star-chamber, for neglect ' 
in raising ship-money; as were the sheriffs of other 
counties". The refusers of coat and conduct-money 
were ordered to be brought up to London''. The 
money in the mint, belonging to private persons, was 
seized by the king, and released not lill the oivners 
thereof lent him 40,000/. and a project was sot din 
foot fcfr coining a or 300,0(X) /. of cupper money, Which 
should be mi.ved with a 4tti' part of silver', though it : 
took, nut effect, as I cafi remember: and ;iir the peppfeV 1 

* ClarendoD, *ol. 
' Id. p. 1173,1203. 


'""'"itft's'fiitoh, vul. in. p!Vnf. 
Svdpej's Pamn. vd. 11. 


went most unwillingly to the wai**", and 

therefore behaved not bravely in it. For, 

' 4)6 merchants had in store, tying under the Old E\- 
l^l^iange, amounting to a great sum, was bought up by 
the king on credit, and immediately sold again at a 
^^nsiderable undervalue'. By these and other such 
pleasures did his majesty strengthen himself against 
|he Scots, as he thought. But they, more sharp- 
■ighted, were pleased with his proceedings, as well 
snowiag those who were disobliged and ill-treated by 
%im, would never willingly forward his success against 

*° The soldiers went most unwillingly to the war, 
ftc] The king might have Judged something of the 
temper of the English by his first expedition against 
the Scots ; but he seems not to have kuown it, or little 
to have valued it. He got together an army indeed, 
of which the ear! of Northumberland was appointed 
general (but he falling sick, the earl of StrafForde had 
the command, under the title of lieutenant-general), 
and the lord Conway general of llie liorse. " But in 
the expedition of the king's army towards the North, 

I it was a marvellous thing to observe, in divers places, 
the averseness of the common soldiers from this warre. 
Though commanders and gentlemen of great quality, 
in pure obedience to the king, seemed not at all to 
■dispute the cause or consequence of this warre, the 

LroommoQ souldiers would not be satisfied, questioning 
I a mutinous manner, whether their captains were 
utpists or not; and in many places were not appeased 
till they saw them receive the sacrament; laying 
violent hands on divers of their commanders, and kill- 
ing some, uttering in bold speeches their distaste of the 
cause, to the astonisbmeat of many, that common 

* Riuhiroctli, Tal. III. p. ISIC- 


after some dispute, Conway gave way ; and 
the Scots entered England, and took pes-, 
session of Newcastle. The great council, 

people should be seDsible of publicke interest and 
religion, when lords and gentlemen seemed not to be'." 

■ " Nothing," says Whitlock, "could alter the 

opinion and humour of divers of the officers and 
soldiers of his [Charles's] arm J, who, in their march to 
their rendezvous, spared not to declare their judgmentB 
against this war; and that they would not fight to ■ 
maintain the pride and power of the bishops; andthia 
their resolution seemed not to be feigned, by the ill 
success afterwards "." Lord Clarendon seems to own 
the fact also in the following passage, though, after 
his manner, he has glossed and disguised it. " The 
earl of Strafforde found the army about Durham, bring- 
ing with him a body much broken with his late sick- 
ness, which was not clearly shaken off, and a mind 
and temper confessing the dregs of it, which being 
marvellously provoked and inflamed with indignation 
at the late dishonour [at Newbuxn], rendered him less 
gracious, that is, less inclined to make himself so to 
the officers, upon his first entrance into his charge: it 
may be, in that mass of disorder, not quickly discern- 
ing to whom kindness and respect was justly due. 
But those who by this time, no donbt, were retained 
for that purpose, took that opportunity to incense the 
army agdinst him; and so far prevailed in it, that ia 
a short time It was more inflamed against him, thaa 
against the enemy; and was willing to have their 
want of courage imputed to an excess of conscience, 
and that their being not satisfied in the grounds of 
the quarrel was the only cause that they fought no 

* M>j'* PuliUBentarr Hiatoiy, p. Gl- 

364 THE Lli^E OF 

upon this, was summoned to meet at Yoi-k ; 
to whom his majesty declared his resohition 
to call a ' pavliament to sit the No\ember 

tJetfer*," I ahall not here entef'into the particnkrB 
of this second Expedition againit thiE'Scots. Onr com- 
mon histories will satisfy the curiosity Of the reader. I 
*iJl only observi;, that the evCnt was such aa might 
have been expected from an army averse to the cause 
W which it was engaged. For, in an encounter, the 
English under the command of lord Conway fied: 
some of his most gdlunt officers were taken prisoners ; 
Keweastle and Durham were garrisoned by the Scots; 
and tbe ships loaden with com for liis majesty's nrmy, 
were seized by them. — The king now found himself in 
a bad condition. A considerable number of noblemen 
petitioned him to summon a parliament, wheltby the 
causes of the grievances of the English nation might 
be tak^n away ; the city of Loudon did the same : the 
great council of peers, assembled for advice by his 
majesty at York, were for a treaty with the Scots; 
which issued at length in an agreement ; by which a 
cesSBii'on of arms was concluded, and a contribution 
of 850/. per diem for the Scots army was granted. 

" Many wondered, and some inveighed against this 
trtaty, wishing the king would have put it rather to 
the issue of abattle, than to have given such terms to 
his subjects in 'rebellion ; and of this judgment wai 
StrafFord, and the episcopal party. Biit the other 
pBit cried up this treaty as just, honourable, and 
pious, to prevent effusion of blood, and to settle peace; 
and the kiilg saw plainly, that both> divers officers of 
his kriny,- and even the prWate" lidldietfs' gerit;rjillj 

> J 


following, which accordingly he clid. How 
fepclioioe and inclination concurred With 
the advice of others*', and the necessity of 
iiis atFairs may be a qnestion. ' .« 

t,H~liich wiis a renuirkabJc iaclinalion), had no miJid to 
tiglit against the Scots, wliJc-h chiefly csiiiaed tlie king 

to condmie liiis treaty'." What followed will be 

soon seen. But no man, fmmi what has yet appeared, 
vaa Kelp wondering at the conduct of this anhappy 
monarch. His resolution we see failed him, his hopes 
vanished', and he (gund himself unable any longer to 
rule by his will. AW his actions tended hithBrto to 
irritate and provoke itie English; (who yet he expected 
should spend their blood and treasures jn his idle quar- i 
l-els about a liturgy and church-government.) Nothing 
that was pleasing was attempted by him; and there- 
fore with great joy did ihey see the Scots advance, and 
looked on them as their deliverers; for without them, 
probably the English had been 'enslaved. For this 
reason they were well treated by the next parliament, 
and sent home with 8toie of English money mi(l 

spoils". ■ -. ■ I "■■■■'i ' 

■*■ How far choice' aitd incliiiatiou' concurred wilfe 
the advice of others, Sec] We have frequently had 
occasion to observe the mai^ner in which Charles spoke 
to his parliaments, and his treatment of them. Indeed 
be seldom kept them long together, and always pinted 
with them in angei-. One may well enough therefore 
conclude, that he was not much enamoured of pu'lia- 
raents, or desirous of calling them. But yet h,is ma- 
jesty/in the loon Basilikc, ismade to apeak as follows: 
^ This last parliaD>ent [of November 1640] I called nott 
mofe by others advice^ and neoeasity of -.mty "ff>t\Es, 


PU-p » 





Bat however this be, the pariiament, 
which met November 3, 1640, soon gave 
his majesty great uneasiness ; for he found 
all the illegal powers exercised from the be- 

than by my own choice and inclination ; who have al- 
ways thonght the right wayof parliaments most safe for 
my crown, as best pleasing to my people. And al- 
though [ was Dot forgetful of those sparks which some 
men's distempers formerly studied to kindle id parlia- 
tneots (which, by forbearing lo convene for some years, 
I hoped to have extinguished); yet resolving with 
myself lo give all jnst saiisfuctioD to modest and sober 
desires, and to redress all public grievances in church 
and state, I hoped (by my freedom and their modera- 
tion) to prevent all misunderstandings and miscarriages 
in this : hi which as I feared affaires would meet with 
some passion and prejudice in other men, so [ resolved 
they should find least of them in myself; not doubting 
but by the weight of reason, I should counterpoise the 
overbalancings of any factions'." This has an air of 
great moderation. But as it happened not to tally with 
some facts in the foregoing notes recited, it gave occa- 
sion to Milton to speak in the following manner. 
" That which the king lays down Jiere, as his first 
foundation, and as it were the headstone of the whole 
structure, that be ' called this last parliament not more 
by others advice, and the necessity of his affairs, than 
by his own choice and inclination;' is to all knowing 
men so apparently not true, that a more unlucky and 
inauspicious sentence, and more betokening the down- 
fall of his whole fabrick, hardly could have come into 
his mind. For who knows not that the inclination of 
:t about biin, 


a prince i 

rby t 

* King Chsrlei'i WoAl.p. Ctf, 

ginning of his reign, condemned in it; and 
acts were passed, prohibiting them express- 

and most in favour ivitli him, or by the current of his 
own actions ? Those nearest to this king, and most his 
favourites, were courtiers and prelates; men whose 
chief study was to find out which way the king in- 
clined, and to imitate him exactly: how these men 
stood affected to parliaments, cannot be forgotten- 
No tnan but may remember, it was their continual ex- 
ercise to dispute and preach against them ; and in their 
common discourse nothing was more frequent, than 
that ' they hoped the king should have now no need ' 
of parliaments any more.' And this was but the copy 
which his parasites had industriously taken from his 
own words and actions, who never called a parliament 
but to supply his necessities; and having supplied 
those, as suddenly and ignominiously dissolved it, 
without redressing any one grievance of the people; 
sometimes chusing rather to miss of his subsidies, or 
to raise them by illegal courses, than that the people 
should notstill miss of their hopes to be relieved by par- 
liaments."— After enumerating Charles's treatment of 
his former parliaments, he adds, " Much less therefore 
did he call this parliament by his ownchoiceand incli- 
nation ; but having first tried in vain all undue ways 
to procure money, his army of their own accord being 
beaten in the North, the lords petitioning, and the ge- 
neral voice of the people almost hissing him, and his 
ill-acted regality off the stage, compelled at length 
both by hia wants and by his fears, upon mere extre- 
mity he summoned this last parliament. And how is 
it possible that he should willingly incline to parlia- 
ments, who never was perceived to call them but for 
the greedy hope of a whole national bribe, his subsi- 
dies ; and aever tored> never fulfilled, never promoted 



\y for the future. These things Charles 
could make no resistance against, they being 

the true ends of parliaments, the redress of grievances ; 
but still put ihem off, and prolonged thein, whether 
gratified or not gratified : and was, indeed, the author 
of all those grievances? To say therefore that he called 
this parliament out of his own choice and inclination, 
argues how Uttic truth we can expect from the sequel 
of this book, which ventures, in the very first period, 
to affront more than one nation with an untruth so 
remarkable; and presumes a more implicitfailh in the 
people of England, than the pope ever commanded 
from the Ilomish laity ; or else a natural sottishness 
fit to he abused and ridden V 

> The following quotations from Clarendon, with what 
1 shall afterwards add, will fully determine which of 
these authors is in the right. — " When the lords came 
to York, at the great council in September, and the 
■first day of their meeting (that the counsel might not 
seem, to arise from them who were resplyed to give it, 
and thotthequeenmightrcceive the honour, of it; who, 
thekiug. said, had by letter advised him to it; as hip 
majesty exceedingly desired toendeaibej- tQthepe.ople) 
the iing declared to them, that he was resolved to c^ll 
a pgrlianieat ''." — And again : " The king was in very 
great straits, and, had it pot in his pow^r absolutely tp 
choose which, way he would go; and well foresaw th^t 
a parliament, in that conjimctiire of aftaivs,, would not 
apply natural and proper remedies to the disease: for 
though it was not imaginable it would run the courses 
jt afterwards did, yet it was visible enough he mu^t 
resign very much to their affections and appetite (whicji 
iwere not like to be contained within any n^ode^t 


•les 1 


Milton'i Prose Wurk!i, vol, I. p. 40&. ' ■■ Cllrendon, voL I. p. I£4. . 


required by tlie nation, and approved by 
his best friends. But witli difficulty did 

bounds), and ther^uj-e no question hU majesty did not 
think of calling a parliament at first, but was wrought 
to it by degrees'.' 

Much choice and iuclinalioD seem not here to be 
intimated. What was his real opinion of parliatnents 
will appear best from tbe following passages. — In a 
letter to the lord deputy Wentworth, dated London, 
Ap. 17, 1634, speaking of the Irish parliament, he sayE, 
"As for lliat hydra, take good heed; for you know, 
tiiat here I have found it as well cunning as malicious''." 
In another letter, dated London, 22 Jan. I6S4, hegiv«B 
his opinion, for dissolving the Irish parliament, to the 
same nobleman, and supports it in the following maor- 
ner. " Tor tbe first [the not continuing the parlia- 
ment], my reasons arc grounded upon my experience 
of them here : they are of the nature of cats, they evet 
grow^cttrst with age; so that if you will have good of 
thera,putlhera off handsomely when they come to any 
age; for young ones are ever most tractable; aad ia 
earnest you will find, that nothing can more conduce 
to the beginning of a new, than the well ending of the 
former parliament; wherefore now that we are well, let 
us content ourselves therewith'." This does not look 
as if Charles " always thought the right way of parlia- 
ments most safe for his crown, as best pleasing to the 
people." We may conclude therefore, that the mind 
of Charles is not, in this instance, truly represent^ in 
his pourtraicture. i shall only add, that our modem 
politicians foritj a very different judgment from what 
is just now given, concerning the danger of Jong par- 

' Clarendon, vol, I. p. 

' StfaSijrffr's Lftters, rol. I 

iCvoiH^ . ..■ -i : 


he give up Straffordc to the block ^% though 
hateful to the EiigUsh, Scotish, and Irish 

•" But with difficolty did he give up Strafforde to 
^hc block, 8ic«] l1io«e who are unacquainted with the 
character of this nobleman, must be Httle conversant 
hi the history of Charles. — Bom to an, ample fortune, 
he made soon a figare in life. In the beginning of this 
reign he opposed the measures of the court, and with 
many brare and worthy men suffered for so doing. 
His temper, however, was not so much soured thereby 
as to indispose him to hearken to the proposals made 
him &om his majesty. He accepted of them, and soon 
became, by means of Laud, to whom he closely ad- 
li^red, a favourite and prime coonsellor. Those who 

' wonM know him thoroughly, need ooly read his letters 
and dispatchesi Mid his trial. From these will appear 
his great abilities, and unweari^ wdustiy ; as also the 
rigorous measures which he recommended and pursued, 
whereby he disgusted the English, provoked the Scots, 
wad irritated many Irish against him. Scarce had the 
jMurliament sat, before the commons impeached him. 

;; Upon this he was taken into custody, committed to 
tiie Tower, and brought to a most solemn trial before 
bis peers, the king and qneen incognito attending. 
During his trial he received the following letter fron^ 
bis majesty, dated Whythall^ Af. 9S, 164 U 

'^ stUAFFOBD. -. 

' ' * -.■.' tj.t*i 

''The mitfortune |kb^t is ^QlUfn upon you by the 
stiangfi mistaki^ilg and <^^ of tliese.tjoiiSj be* 

uig rack that I must lay by the ikp^g^t qf inplpying 
you hereafter in my affaires, t^P.J', cannot satjsfie in 
honnor or conscience, without asseurin^ "jron (now in 
the midest of our trobles) that upon the word of a 
king, ypu. shall not suffer in lyfe, honnor, or fortune : 
this is but justice, and therefore a very meane rewarde 


CHAftLES I. 371 

nations, on account of the sererity of his 
maxims and government: for he looked on 
him as an able and faithful minister, who 


from a maister, to so faithful and able a servant, as yoq 
have showed yourself to bee; yet it is as much as 1 
conceave the present tyines will permitt, though none 
shall hinder oie irom being 

" Your constant faithful frend, 

"CFAHLES »."' 

This letter iio doubt gave great satisfaction to the 
lord iienteaaht, of whose behaviour on his trial, Mr. 
Whitlock, a manager against him, thus speaks ; " Cer- 
tainly never any uiun acted sui::h a part, on such a thea* 
tre, with mure wisdom, constancy, and eloquence, wiiU 
greater reason, judgment, anil temper, and with a bet^ 
ter grace in all his .words and gestures, than this great 
and e:(cellent person didj and he moved the hearts of 
all liis auditors (some few excepted) to remorse and 
pity ''," But notwithstanding thjs behaviour, and some 
doubt arising whether the charge against him was 
treason, a bill was brought into the house of commons 
to attaint him of high treason ; which after warm de^ 
bates passed, and was sent up to the house of lords. 
Hereupon, on the 1st of May, I64I, " the king called 
both houses of parliament together, and did passion- 
ately desire of them not to proceed severely against 
■the earl, whom he answered for, as to most of the (uaii) 
particulars of the charge against him ; tells them, that 
in conscience he cannot condemn the eari of high trea- 
son, and liiat neither fear nor any other respect should 
uiake him go against his conscieDce, But fur mlsdcr 

he is so cle: 

1 the I 

, that he thinks the earj 

not fit hereafter to serve bim, or the commonwealth ii 

' Stpffiinle'a Letttra, vol. tI.p.41S. 
9 bS 



! tad consulted his honour and interest, and, 

^ough guilty of offences, yet quite free 
. iroiu tlie crime of high treason. At length, 

L any place of trust, no not so much as a constable '." 
t jTie bill of attainder however passed the house of 
I tfprds, and was tendered to his majesty for hia royal 
aBsent. " The king being much perplexed upon the 
. tendering of these two bills [for StrafForde's atlainder, 
I ,and the bill for coqtintiitig the parliameail] to hiin, be- 
tween the clamours of a discontented people, and an 
tinsatisiied conscience; he took advice (as iotoe re> 
ported) of several of the bishops, and of others his 
intimate counselloura, what to do in this intricate affair: 
j^and that the major part of them urged to him the opi- 
I nion of the judges, That this was treason, and the hill 


•y pit 

ised likewise the votes of the 


'"Inent, That he was but one man, that no other expe- 
I dicQt could be found out to appease the enraged peo- 
ple, and that the consequences of a furious multitude 
would be very twrible. Upon all which they persuaded 
him to pass the bills. But the chief motive uas said 
to be, a letter of the earl of Strafforde, then sent unto 
him, wherein the gallant earl takes notice of these 
things, and what is best for his majesty in these straits, 
md to set his conscience at liberty : he doth most 
^mbly beseech hiin, for pceve&tion of such mischiefs 
! may happen by his refusal, to pass ihe bill, to le- 
e him out of the way, towards that blessed agree- 
t which God (I trust) shall for ever establish be- 
wixt you and your subjects. ' Sir, my consent here- 
1 shall more acquit you to God, than all the world 
can do besides : to a willing man there is no injury 

" If not base betraying of their master by thes^ 

• Whittocfc, p. 45 i Mkt KiBE^lwrlci'i Woilu, p. ITS. 

CHARLES 1. 373 

however, against Ins own judgment, he 
signed the bill of attainder, to the very 
great amazement of Strafforde, and the 

passages, and by some private dealings, tlie king wag 
persuaded to sign a commisBioii lo three lords, to pass 
these two bills; nnd that he should ever be brooght to 
it, was admired by most of his subjects, as well as by 

" Himself ingenuotisly acfenowledgeth tbegroinds 
of doing this, and his error thereiu, in bis excellent 
Eikoii Basil, chap. 5. 

" After he had signed these bills, the king sent Bfi* 
cretary Cailelon to the enrl, to acquaint him what was 
done, and the motives of it, especially tlie earl's con- 
sent; who seriously asked tbe seereUiiy, nliclher his 
majesty had passed the bill or not? as not believing, 
jv-ithout some astonishment, that the king would have 
done it. And being again assured thnt it was passed, 
he rose up from his chair, lift up his eyes to heaven, 
laid his hand on his heart, and said, ' Put not yonr 
trust in ptinces, nor in the sons of men ; for in them 
there is no salvation.' — Certainly he [Charles] had 
great remorse thereupon; and the next day, May U, 
he sent a letter by the prince to the lurd^, written alt 
with his own hand, That they would confer with the 
house of commons to spare the life of the earl, and 
that would be a high contentment lo him. Some did 
not stick to say, that this was promised to him, before 
he signed the bill of attainder, and to bring him to it. 
But now the lords house did not think fit to consent 
to his majcstie's desire herein"." The earl therefore 
was obliged to submit to the fatal stroke on the scaffold 
o.i Towerhill, May 12, 1G41, which he did with very 


374 THE LIFE OF * 

confusion of his adherents. — ^The death of 
this great man lay always heavy on the 
mind of Charles^ — ^This sacrifice, together 

great resolution. A passage from Burnet must be 
added, to make this account of Charles's behaviour 
towards StrafTorde complete^ It was told him by lord 

" The earl of Strafforde had married his sister ; so 
though in the parliament he was one of the hottest 
men of the ^ party, yet when that matter was before 
them, he always withdrew. When the bill of attain* 

«' \ der was passed, the king sent for him to know what he 
could, do to save the earl of Strafforde. Hollis an- 
swered, that if the king pleased, since tlie execution 
of the law was in him, he might legally grfunt him a 
reprieve, which must be good in law; but he would 
not advise it. That which he proposed was, that lord 
Strafforde should send him a petition for a short respite, 
to settle his affairs, and prepare for death $ upon which 
he advised the king to come next day with the peti- 
tion in his hands, and to lay it before the two houses, 
with a speech which he drew for the king ; and Hollis 
said to him, he would try his interest among his friends 
to get them to consent to it. He prepared a great 
many, by assuring them, that if they would save lord 
Strafforde, he Would become whplly theirs, in conse* 
quence of his first principles : and that he might do 
them' much more service by being preserved, than he 
could do if inade an example, upon such new and 
doubtful points. In this he had wrought on so 
many, that he belie\nBd, if the king's party had struck 
into it, he might have saved him. It 'was carried 
to the queen, as if Hollis had engaged that th# 
earl of Strafforde should accuse her, ^d discover all 
~«knewt 80 the queen not only diverted the king 



^\itli tiie passing the bills for trienHial par- 
liaments ; for not distolving the present 

from going to the parliament, cliaii{pn[; the speech into 
a-message, all written widi his own h; tid, antl sent to 
the house of lords liy the prince of Wales [wliicli 
Holiis said would p«flbaps have done as well, the king 
hcing apt to spoil things by na uaaceeptable manner] ; 
but, to the wonder of the whole world, the queen pre- 
vailed with him to add that Ineao postsiript, " If ho 
miiiit die, it were charity to reprieve him till Satur- 
day :" wiiieh wasavery unhjindsome giving up of the 
whole message. "When it was communieated to both 
houses, the whole court party was plainly against it; 
and so he feH truly by the quccu's means'." Mr. 
* Whitlock, iH the passfigc above quoted, refers to the 
Icon Biisilike for the grounds of ChKrles'e .passing this 
"bill of attainder, and his erjor therein. J^t us see 
what is there said. — " 1 never met with a more unliaj)- 
,py conjuncture of nlfairs, than in the business of that 
unfortunate earl ; when, between my own unsatiafied- 
jiesn in conectenOe, and a necessity (as some told me) 
«f satlfityJng the importitnities of some people, I was 
perswaded by those that 1 tbink wished me well, to 
fhnSe rather what was safe, thiBi what seemed jusl; 
pr^erring the outward peace of my kingdoms witli 
men, before ihat inward exactness of conscience before 
God*'." Charles never got over the uneasiness his 
-consent to lord Straffbrde's death gave him; for on 
the Gcafl'old he pronounced tlie following words: — 
" God forbid that I slioidd be so ill a Christian, as not 
to sey tliat God's judgments are just upon me; many 
times he doth pay justice by an unjust sentence; tbat 
J9 o,rdinary. I will only say tins, that an unjust setj- 

' Burnet, vol. L p. 4!^; aod K. C'liarlp&'s ^Vuiks, p. 138. f ^ng 



parliament without its own consent; for 
abolishing the courts of Star-chamber and 

tence that I suffered to take effect^ is punished now by 
dn unjust sentence upon meV Milton certainly is 
Uameable then in insulting over Charles^ for express- 
ing his sorrow for consenting to Slrafforde's death. — 
'* That it wrung his conscience to condemn the earl of 
high treason^ is not unlikely; not because he thought 
him guiltless of highest treason, had half those crimes 
been committed against his own private interest or 
person, as appeared plainly by his charge against the 
six members; but because he knew himself a principal 
in what the earl was but his accessary ; and thought 
nothing treason against the commonwealth, but against 
himself only**/* — There was no occasion for this insult; 
for it appears Charles's scruple arose from the earlls 
not being liable to the laws then in force against trea- 
son, and therefore might think it unjust to execute 
him as a traitor^ even though he had appeared much 
more criminal in his eyes than probably he did.— 
Those who have read the trial of' this nobleman 
through, without prejudice, will perhaps hardly be so 
apt to lament his fate as his majesty. They may mis- 
like the method taken to punish him, and condemn the 
riots rose on that occasion ; but surely they cannot be 
sorry to find a man made an example, who, in the 
judgment of lord Digby, *^ wai the most dangerous 
minister, the most insupportable to free subjects, that 
can be charactered. I bdieve," adds he, ^'his practices 
in Jihemselves have been as high, as tyrannical, as any 
subject ever ventured on: and the malignity of them 
are hugely aggravated by those rare abilities of his, 
whereof God hath given him the use, but the devil the 

* King Chariest Works, p. 208. ^ Milton's Prose Works, rol. I. 





High-commission ; and the bill fot taking 
kWPiy the bishops' votes in parliament^ and 

application. In a word^ I believe him still that grand . 
apostate to tlie commonwealth^ who must not expect 
to be pardoned in this worlds till he be dispatched to 
the other*." If this was his character, and Digby 
at this time was not his foe, can any man— I repeat 
it — be sorry to find that he was made an example of? 

In the bill of attainder, there was the following pro* 
viso. " Provided that no judge or judges, justice or 
justices whatsoever, shall adjudge or interpret any act 
or thing to be treason, nor hear or determine any trea- 
son, in any other manner than he or they should or 
ought to have done before the making of this act, and 
as if this act had never been had or made V Upon 
this it is remarked, in the Icon Basil ike, that ** that af- 
ter^cty vacating the anlliority of the precedent for fa- 
tare imitation, sufficiently tells the world, that some re- 
n^drse touched even his most implacable enemies^ as ^ 
knowing he had very hard measure, and such as they 
would be very loath should be repeated to them- 
selves '•" How pertinent this reflection is, will ap- 
pear by what follows. — *' Abundance of people, espe- 
ciaDy the o)d cavaliers, understand this proviso as a; 
reflectioa on the bill itself; and as if his case [Straf- 
ford^e's] was so very hard, even in the opinion of the 
parliament itself, that it was ordered by this clause to 
be no precedoit for the future. This is a ridiculous 
error in many respects : first, because doing a thing iii-> 
one parliament, and ordering it to be no precedent to 
another^ is an arrant bull ; since the very doing it is 
and must be a precedent, at the same time 'tis ordered 
that it shall be none. Secondly, it would have been 
an unparalleled open injustice, to put one man to death 

" Strafforde*s Tryal by Rushwortb, p. 50. fbU Lond. 1680., } jJIl 

p. 757. * King Charles's Works, p. 64ft 





all temporal jurisdictions and offices from 
theni, and all others in holy ordere*'; I 

for such a crime, as, even in the opinion of those who 
punished him, was not great ^aough to be capital in 
any other person, or at any other time. And it will 
not weaken this argument to say, that it was an unjust 
cruel act, and therefore a good many dissented from it: 
for those dissenting members themselves could not be 
so uncharitable as to imagine all the members of both 
houses, who passed the bill, not only so base and 
bloody as to be all the while against it in their con- 
sciences, but so foolish also as to own it in the very 
bill itself. And therefore nothing can be plainer than 
that 'tis only a gross mistake among ignorant people, 
to think they meant it in that manner. Accordingly, 
that act of Charles II. which has reversed this bill of 
attainder, and in the preamble recited every thing 
imaginable in favour of that earl, yet takes no notice 
of this clause, which had more descredited the bill than 
all the rest, if it could have been interpreted, in that 
manner*." If Mr. Hume had attended to these con- 
aidcrations^ he would possibly have kfi out the reflec- 
tion in the close of the following period. ^' The first 
parliament, after the restoration, reversed the bill of at- 
tainder ; and even a few weeks after Strafforde's exe- 
cution, this very parliament remitted to his children 
the more severe consequences of his sentence [by a bill 
for restoring them in blood and honour, and settling 
his lands on his heirs], as if conscious of the violence 
with which the aifair had been conducted^.'' Surely 
so just, so generous a thing, merited not such an ill- 
natured remark. 

*^ The bill for taking away the bishops' votes in par- 
liament, and ail temporal jurisdictions and ofiiccs from 

■ Works of John Sheffield Duke of Bucks, voL II. p. 120, IQmo, L«ncl. 
^J3. *> lli^tory of Great Britain, vol. I. p. 286. 


sayi the passing these bills seemed calcu* 
lated to allay the fears of the people, and 

them, and all others in holy orders.] The bishops and 
court-clergy had rendered themselves so very unpopu- 
lar and odious, by promoting the schemes for tyranny 
in church and state, that \vc need not wonder to find 
them very furiously attacked by men of sense, virtue 
and moderation. In the beginning of this parliament 
a short bill was brought in, " to take away the bishops 
votes in parliament, and to leave them out in all com- 
missions of the peace, or that had relation to any tem- 
poral affairs." This, on a second reading, was cast out 
in the house of peers, where the bishops then had 
votes.— Soon after this another short bill was prepared 
for '' the utter eradication of bishops, deans and chap- 
tets, with all chancellors, officials, and all officers, and 
otheir persons, belonging to either of them. This also 
was laid aside for a time*." Lord Clarendon, speak- 
ing of this bill, says, " they [the governing party in 
the houses] prevailed with Sir Edward Dering, a man 
very opposite to all their designs (but a man of levity 
and vanity; easily flattered, by being commended), to 
j)re8ent into the house; which he did from the gallery, 
with the two verses in Ovid, the application whereof 
was his greatest motive : 

Cuncta prius tentan^a, sed immedicaUle vuIdiis 
£»se rccideDdum et>t, nc pars siucera trahatur. 

lie took notice of the great moderation and candour 
of the. house, in applying so gentle a remedy, by thfi 
late bill, to retrench the exofbitancics of the clergy: 
hophig that by pruning and taking off a few unneces- 
sary branches from the trunk, the tree might prospet 
the better; that this mortification might have mended 

• Garcndon, vol. I. p. 234, 037. 


to satisfy the parliament. But tho^ had 
not this eflfiect: for during these transac*- 

their constitution, and that they would have the more 
carefully intended their health : but that this soft re- 
medy had proved so ineffectual^ that linej were grown 
more obstinate and incorrigible; so that it was now 
necessary to put the ax to the root of the tree, and 
therefore desired that the bill might be read*/* I have 
quoted this passage at length, in order to give the 
reader a specimen of lord Clarendon's relations and co- 
lourings. Sir Edward Dering, here spoken of, was a 
man of sense, virtue, and learning, perhaps not inferior 
to his lordship, of a family vastly superior. His zeal 
for the interest of religion was great, as well as his 
concern for the honour and welfare of its teachers: he 
could not, therefore, be actuated by so mean a motive 
as the application of Ovid's verses. Sir Edward hiia«- 
self has published the speech he made on tbiB occa* 
sion, in which there is hardly one sentence of what his 
lordship has put into his mouth. " Sir," says he, ad- 
dressing himself to the speaker, '' I am now the instru- 
ment to present unto you a very short (but a very 
sharp) bill; such as these times 'and their sad necessi- 
ties have brought forth. It speaks a free language, 
and makes a bold request: it is a purging bill. I give 
it you as I take physick, not for delight, but for a cure. 
A cure now, the last and only cure, if (as I hope) all 
other remedies have first been tried. Then immedicch 
hile tulnus, &c. but cuncta prim tentanda-^—1 nevet 
was for mine, so long as I could hold any hope of re- 
forming. My hopes that way are even almost wither- 
ed. — Sir, you see their demerits have exposed them 
publici odii piaculares victimas* I am sorry they are so 
ill; I am more sorry that they will not be content to 

* ClarencloB, voL I. p. SSt. 


tions several things happened, which made 

be bettered, which I did hope would have been effected 
by our lasf bill. When the bill is perfected, I ahall 
give a sad I unto it. And at the delivery in thereof, 1 
doe now profess beforehand, that if my former hopes 
of a full reformation may yet revive and prosper, I will 
again divide ray sense upon this bill, and yeeid my 
shoulders to underprop the primitive, lawful, and just 
episcopacy: yet su as that 1 will never be wanting, 
with my utmost pains and prayers, tp toot out all the 
imdue adjuncts to it, and superstructures on it V — la 
not this very different from the representation of his 
speech in Clarendon f— -This bill, .Sir Edward says, was 
pressed into his hands by S. A. H. [Sir Arthur Hasel- 
rig] being then brought unto him by S. H. V. [Sir 
Henry Vane] and O. C. [Oliver Cromwell].— But to 
proceed — Though for the present this bill was dropped, 
yet the design against the bishops and clergy was not 
laid aside. So ill had they acted, for the most part, 
that the cry against them was common; and nothing 
would satisfy but an exclusion of them from those ci- 
vil employments, in which they had so badly behaved. 
The bill therefore was soon again revived; and though 
committed to a committee of the whole house (of 
which Mr. Hyde was the chairman) once more miscar- 
ried. This raised the hopes of the clergy, we may well 
suppose. But their hopes soon forsook them: foe 
their adversaries determining to clip their wings, and 
deprive tliem of the power of wreaking their revenge, 
presented a new bill, " for taking away the bishops 
votes in parliament; and for disabling them to exer- 
eiee any temporal office in the kingdom." This passed 
without much opposition in the house of commons. 
Iq die house of lords it stuck for a time: hut the cla- 





ill impressions of his majesty on the nlinds 


mours against the bishops increasing, and they weakly 
jM'otesting against every thing done there *i^ theiir ab- 
sence, it made its way at length, and was offered to the 
royal assent. Charles for a time deliberated; but 
being overcome by persuasions, sorely against his 
mind, he passed it by commission*, and thereupon had 
the thanks of both houses^. — It is not to be doubted 
the ill-will excited by the clergy against themselves in 
the breasts of most men, had a good share in the fram-> 
?fe ^°S ^^^ passing these bills. But it was not'HH-wil! 
alone. The house of commons at this time, abdhnded 
with men of sense : thej^^ saw what was right, they had 
resolution to do it, and were not ashamed to render the 
reasons of their conduct. As a curiosity I will give 
them the reader, from an authority most unexception- 
able. They are as Ibllowsr, 

1. Reason of the hpuse of commons: '' because it 
[votes of bishops in parliament] is a very great hinder- 
ance to the exercise of tKeir ministerial function. 

2. " Because they do vow and undertake at their or- 
dination, when they enter into holy orders, that tbe^;«i 
will give themselves wholly to that vocation. . '^ 

3. " Because councils and canons, in several ageir,iJo 
forbid them to meddle with secular affairs. ' ' "^ 

4. " Because the twenty-four bishops have a depenlfv^^ 
cncy upon the archbishops, and because of their can<^ " . 
nical obedience to them. ' f ^ 

5. " Because they are but for theh: lives, and there'- ^ 
fore are not fit to have legislative power over the ho^ 
nors, inheritances, persons, and liberties of others. 

6. " Because of bishops dependency and expectancy 
of translations to places of greater profit. 

* Feb."!*, 1641. »» Clarendon, toI. II.p.j302, 333, 426, 4^9^ 

Kusbworth, tqL IV. p. 554, 


of tl>e leaders in both houses of parliament. 

For a project was discovered for liring- 

7. " The several bishops have of late much en- 
croached upon the consciences and properties of the 
subject; antl they and their successors will be much 
encouraged stiil to encroach, and the subject will he 
much discouraged from complaining against such en- 
croachments, if twenty-six of that order bee to bee 
judges upon these complaints. The same reason ex- 
tends to their legislative power, in any bill to pass for 
the reformation of their power upon any ii 
by it. 

8. " Because the whole nuuibei- of them is interested ^ 
to maintaine the jurisdiction of bishops, which hath 
been found so grievous to the three kingdoms, that 
Scotland hath utterly abolished it, and multitudes in 
England and Ireland have petitioned against it. 

^, " Because bishops being lords of parliament, it 
setteth too great a distance between them and the rest 
of tiieir bi-ethren in the ministcry, which occationetli 
pride in them, discontent in others, and disquiet in the 

These were the reasons givffli why bishops ought not 
to vote in parliament, by the commons : and these 
being published, were answered by an episcopal advo- 
cate. L'pon which, by order of a committee of the 
house of commons, there was printed " An humble ex- 
amination of a printed abstract of the answers to nine 
reasons of the house of commons, against the votes of 
bishops in parliament \'' It is from this piece 1 have 
taken the above reasons, and would recommend the 
pamphlet to the perusal of all such as are wiUing well 
to understand the then reasons for and against th« 




ing up the English anny from the N.orth, 
in order to awe the parliament ^% and en- 
bishops concerning themselves in parliamentary affairs. 
—-But the reader here will please to remember, that 
whatever might have been thought of the above rea- 
nons at that time^ we are to suppose they have long 
been of no force. The zeal for the constitution in 
church and state, the abhorrence of all ministerial 
measures inconsistent therewith, the opposition to 
every thing contrary to liberty and the public good ; 
and above all, the self-denial, contempt of the world, 
hnmilityy and constant discharge of episcopal duties, 
as required in the New Testament: I say, all these 
things shew how much the bishops since the. restora- 
tion are altered^ and how much those aie miptakeo jwho 
represent them as a dead weight in the ho«aA of ferds, 
and an useless expence to the public. . 

^ A project was discovered for bringing ap die army 

^f in order to awe the parliament, &c.] Whilst lord 
Strs^Goi^'s fate was depending, a consultation was 
held bow his death might be prevented; and more 
especially how the English army in the North might 
be made use of, in order " to the preservation of the 
offices and votes of the bishops; the not disbanding 
the Irish army, until the Scots were disbanded too: 

'^ imd the endeavouring to. settle his majestie's revenue 
to Aat proportion it was formerly." The persons con- 
cerned in this affair were principally Henry Percy, 
brother to the earl of Northumberland; Mr. Wilmot, 
^eldest son to the lord Wilmot; colonel Ashburnham, 
captain Pollard, Mr. Goring, Mr. Jeimyn, Mr. 
. O'Neale, &c. men of femily, fortune, and influence in 
the army. " It was resolved by us all," says Mr» 
PeFcy4n his letter to lord Northumberland, dated June 
14» l&^l, f^ if the. Icing AliMiil. require our assistance 

^ CIIARLE& L 385 

large his majesty's revenue. In this pro- 
ject many chief officers were concerned, 

in these things [the articles abovementioned}, that 
as far as we could^ we might contribute thereunto, 
without breaking the laws of the kingdom; and in 
case the king should deny these things being put to 
them, we would not flie from him. All these persons 
[Wilmot, Ashburnham, Pollard, O'Neal] did act and 
concur in this as well as I. This being all imparted 
to the king by me from them, I perceived he had been 
treated with by others concerning something of our . 
army, which did not agree with what we propose^fliif^;, 
but inclined a way more high and sharp, not havingp^ 
limits either of honour or law, I told the king he might 
be pleased to consider with himself which way it was 
fit for him to hearken unto. For us, we were resolved 
not to depart from our grounds; and if he employed 
others, we should not be displeased, whosoever they 
were: but the particulars of their designe, or the perr^.\. 
sons, we desired not to know, though it was no hard 
matter to guess at them. In the end, I believe the v 
dangers of the one, and the justice of the other, made 
the king tell me, he would leave all thoughts of other 
propositions but ours, as things not practicable; but 
desired notwithstanding, that Goring and Jermin, wl^o 
were acquainted with the other proceeding, should be 
admitted amongst us: I told him, I tbougbt^titbe^ other 
gentlemen would never consent to it, but I would pn>- 
pose it; which I did, md we were all much against 
it; but the king did preu it so much, as, at the last, it 
was consented unto^ and Goring and Jermin came to 
my chamber: there I was appointed to tell them, after 
they had sworn to secrecy, what he had proposed, 
which I did. — ^Then we took up again the ways were 
proposed, which took a great debate; and theirs (I 

VOL. II. c c 

^VaWW?:- ■ ■-■ d *tr.-:: *: M" - - . 




who, on discovery, confessed the king was 
well acquainted with it. This discovery 

will say) differed from ours in violence and height, 
which we .all protested against, and parted, disagreeing 
totally; yet remitting it to be spoken of by me and 
Jermin to the king, which we both did. And the king 
constant to his former resolution, told him, that all 
those ways were vain and foolish, and would think of 
them no more V 
Mr. Goring, on his examination, confessed that 
his majesty asked him, if he was engaged in any 
le concerning the army: to which he answered 
t he was not: whereupon his majesty replied, I 
command you then to join yourself with Percy, and 
some others whom you will find with him. And his 
majesty likewise said, I have a desire to put my army 
in a good posture, and am advised unto it by my lord 
of Bristol: which was the effect of what passed between 
e king and the examinate at that time. The exami- 
tiate meeting afterwards with Mr. Jermin, Mr. Jermin 
•teld him, that they were to meet at evening at nine of 
the clock with Mr. Percy, and some others, at Mr. 
Percy's chamber; and accordingly Mr. Jermin and he 
went thither together, and there found Mr. Percy 
himself, Mr. Wihnot, Mr. Ashbumham, Mr. Pollard, 
If r. (yNeale, and Sir Joha Hartley : Mr. Percy then, 
jft-lbe first plac^ tendered an oath to this examinate 
mtd Mr. Jermin, the rest sayings tba^ they bad taken 
that oath akeady: this oa4|^«as. {NC^>ared in writing, 
and was to this effect; * Tbtn^ they ihouid neither 
directly or indirectly disclose any thing of that which 
should be then said unto them, nor think themselves 

* Divers Depoiitkmi and Letters appertaiaing to the Remonitrancey 
liay 19, 1648. 4to« LmkL 1643; Riubworth, rol. IV. p, S^S. 



was greittly to his disadvantage. — The Irish 
rcbdliou -was another unlucky event for 
Charles: it excited in his subjects great fears ] 

absolved from the secrecy enjoined by tbis oath, by -J 
any oilitr oatU wliicU should be afterwards taken by J 
them.' — After this Mr. Percy made his propo9itton9> I 
wliich he read ouL of a paper, which were to this I 
effect: ' That the army should be presently put into 4 
a posture to serve the king, und then should send up 
a declaration to the parliament of these particulars, 
viz. That nothing should be done in parliament 
contrary to any former act of parliament, which was 
explained, that bishops should be maintained in their 
votes and functions, and the king's revenue be 
established.' From these propositions ncHie of Mr, 
Percy's company did declare themselves to disseabi 
Then came uito consideration, if the army should not4 
immediately be brought to London, which, as thUy 
csamiDale remembers, was first propounded by MrJ 
Jermin, and also the making sure of the Tower. Thei 
things this examinate did urge, to shew the vanity" 
and danger of the other propositions, without unde0> 
taking this. In tbe conclusion, this examinate dM 
protest against hU having anything to do in either 
design; tor the proof of which he appeals to the con- 
sciences of them that were present, and so parted 
with them. About thin business this examinate saitb, 
that they had two meetings, and cannot distinguiri^l 
what passed at the one, and what at tlie other ; bat f 
the result of all was as he formerly declared*." — No'.J 
wonder then if the house of commons, on tbis and I 
more such evidence, were greatly alarmed (especially^ 
as sIk or eight of the chief conspirators fled) ; tia J 
wonder they were under apprehensions of theirowal 

' Divers Di'jMHUiorn and Lettcra mppertaining lo the RcmoDSlranW, ' 
Maj19, I6W. ilo. Loud. 1612; Rusliirorth, wjl, IV, p. SjS, 

c t 2 

s. •-■ ■ ij»'V 



and jealousies, and subjected him to many 
reproaches. Whether or how far he ex- 
cited or encouraged it, I will, with all the 

danger, and distrusted the sincerity of Charles in all 
the concessions he had made. For it is plain he was 
privy to a design against them, and would gladly have 
hrought them to have desisted from any thing dis- 
pleasing to him, though by a mihtary force; and 
consequently would either have dissolved them, or 
rendered them useless to the public. — I have given the 
account of this affair in the very words of two of the 
gentlemen engaged in it, in order that the reader may 
the better be able to judge of the following passage in 
lord Ciarendon. " It will hardly be believed hereafter 
(but that the effects of such impostures have left such 
deep marks), that the evidence then given could, in so 
grave and judging an assembly as an high court of 
parliament till then had always been, have brought 
the least prejudice upon the king; or, indeed any 
damage "to any person accnsed: there being, in all 
the testimonies produced, so little show of proof of a 
real design, or plot, to bring np the army (which was 
the chief matter alledged) to awe the* parliament, that 
in truth rt was very evident thieiie was no plot at 
all; only a free communication between persons (the 
major part whereof were of the hoaae) of the ill arts 
that were generally used to corrupt thie afiiections of 
the people ; and of some expedient, whereby, in that 
so publick infection, the army (in which they had alt 
considerable commands, two of them being general 
officers) might be preserved from being wrought upon 
and corrupted; in which discourse colonel Goring him* 
self, as appeared by his own examination, only pro- 
posed wild and extravagant overtures of bringing up 
the army, and surprising the Tower ; which was by all 
'he rest, with manifest dislike, rejected: that all this 


impartiality I am master of, enquire ^^ 

Lad passed at one meeting, in which they, V9ho met, 
were so ill satisfied in one another, that they never 
would come together again. That when the bringing 
up the army to London was once talked of before the 
king, his majesty would not hear of it ; but only de- 
sired that their affections might be kept entire for his % 
service, as far as was consistent with the laws of the 
land, which were in danger to be invaded*." It .is 
a sad thing when writers cannot relate fiicts as they 
were, but polish and file them, to render them' mor6 
serviceable to party purposes ! Such representatiblii . - 
as this of lord Clarendon's, border more on lomancA^^ 
than history. Bishop Burnet's reflections on lord 
Clarendon's account of this matter, appear to me very 
judicious. — ** Whosoever,^ says he, " compares the 
depositions in Rushworth with the account given of 
that matter by the earl of Clarendon, will see there is 
a great deal more in the one, than the other is willing 
to believe; though he acknowledges, they had both 
Goring's evidence and Piercy's letter with them. I 
will not take upon me to determine whetheir they 
believed too much, or the earl of Clarendon too little. 
It is certain, they believed all that was in the deposi* 
tions, and a great deal more, for Goring being con- 
tinued in the government of Portsmouth, and his 
father being advanced from being a baton to be an 
earl ; and Piercy's being made a lord, and master of 
the horse to the prince of Wales, made them conclude 
they had siippressed a great deal,' ii^^ad of saying 
more than was trae. This stuck deep in their hearts, 
and at last fktally broke out in the demand of the 
militia, that brought on the war V 

*^ Whether Charles excited or encouraged the Irish 

• Clarendon, vol. I. p. 268. ^ Speech at Sabheveml*! Tiryal, p.11. 

8vo. Lond. 1710. *' '*^ 


Certain it is, the professions of the rebels^ 

rebellion— 'I shall enquire.] The Irish rebellion was 
(one of the most shocking things in historj-. A design 
was laid by a great number of the Irish nobility, 
gentry, and others, to seize the castle of Dublin on 
itxe 23d of Oct. 1641, and possess the city; and they 
f* had prepared men in all parts of the kingdom, to 
destroy all the English inhabiting there likewise at 
the same time. The first part of the design, being 
discovered tbe^ight before, failed ; but the latter was 
put iu execution, as far as lay in their power. " The 
^^ first and most bloody executions (says Sir John 
"^ Templi^ father of Sir William Temple, at this time 
master of the rolls, ^nd a privy counsellour in Ireland) 
were made in the province of Ulster, .md there they 
continued longest to execute their rage and cruelty ; 
yet must it also be acknowledged, that all the other 
three provinces did concur with them, as it were, with 
one common consent, to destroy and pluck up by the 
roots all the British planted thorowout the kingdom. 
And for this purpose, they went on not only murder- 
ing, stripping^ and driving out all of them,, men, wo- 
men and children; but they laid waste their habita-* 
tions, burnt their evidences, defaced in many places 
all the monuments of civility and devotion, the courts 
and places of English government; nay, as some of 
themselves express it, they resolved not to leave them 
either name or posterity in Ireland*.'' The earl of 
Castlebaven, a catholic, calls it a rebellion ; and adds, 
'^ all the watiebr in the sea cansot wadi it off that 
nation [the Irish], it having been begun most bloodily 
on the English in that kingdom, in a time of settled 
peace, without the least occasion givtn^." Lord 
Clarendon also relates, *' That great multitudes of the 

* History of tiifi Irish Rebellion. Svo. Loud. 1679. ^ Preface to 

Mb Mem^nrs, pfkted in 12mo. Lond. 1680. 


of zeal for the king, and hatred of the par- 

Ii'ish Roman cathoiicks in tlie province of Ulster, and 
shortly after in other provinces and parts of the king- 
dom, tumulluously assembled together, put themselves 
in arms, seized upon the towns, castles, and houses 
belonging to the protestanta, which by their force 
they could possess tliemselves ofj nnd with most 
barbarous circumstances of cruelty, within the space 
of less than ten days, mtirthered an incredible number 
of protestants, men, women, aud chiklreu, promiscu- 
ously, without distinction of age or sex, of any who 
were within reach of their power. They who escaped 
best, were robbed of all they had, to their very shirts, i 
and so turned naked, to endure »he sharpness of tlie 
season; and by that means, and for want of reliejj 
many thousands of them pertshed hy hunger and 

cold'." Various are the accounts given us of the 

numbers that perished in this barbarous massacre. 
Mr. Hume observes, " That, by some computations, 
those who perished by all those cruelties, are made to 
amount to a hundred and fifty, or two hundred 
thousand men : by the most moderate, and probably 
the most reasonable account, they must iiave been 
near forty thousand ^" It were to be wished Mr. 
Home had told us where thi3« mod crate, reasonable 
account is to be found: for my own part, I have 
sought for it in vain. Those who, one would think, 
should have been best informed, make a very different 
calculation. Milton, in the second editioti of bis 
Iconoclastes, has the following passage: "The re- 
b^lion and horrid massacre of English protcstants in 
Ireland, to the number of 154,000 in the province of 
Ulster only, by their own computation; which added 

' History of the Rtboirion anil Ciril Wars in U 
» History, p. 300, 

, Bvo, I^nil. 1700. 

;.•••=»«•* . -t 

392 THE LIFE OF ^ 

liament, and the maimer of Charles's be- 
to the other thrce^ makes up the total sum of that 
slaughter, in all likelihood^ four times as great'.'* 
According to this computation, the numbers must 
have been 6l6,000« This probably is much too large. 
— May says, " the persons murthered within the space 
of one month were about 300,000^." — Sir John 
Temple, who had the best means of information, 
assures us, *' That since the rebellion first broke out, 
unto the time of the cessation made Sept. 15, 1643, 
which was not full two years after, above tJOO,000 
British and protestants were cruelly murthered in cold 
blood, destroyed some other way, or expelled out of 
their habitations, according to the strictest conjecture 
and computation of those who seemed best to under- 
stand the numbers of English planted in Ireland, be* 
sides those few that perished in the heat of fight, 
during the war*^." The earl of Gastlehaven indeed^ 
who had been of council with the Irish, and a leader 
of their armies, endeavours to maintain against Sir 
John and others, " That not a twentieth part of the 
English protestants, who were said to be massacred, 
were really murthered in that rebellion, many hundreds 
of those, who are in Sir John's lists of the slain, being 
known to be alive ^veral years after his report was 
made; and bis sum total far exceeds the produce of 
his particulars, though (in several places, to magnify 
his numbers) he repeats the same names of persons, 
with the same circumstances of their sufferings'*.'^—^ 
It is not my business to enter into a controversy about 
the number destroyed in this massacre: take it at the 

* FintpnbUshedin 1050, r^Mfnted at London for A. Millar, 1756. 4to. 
p. 49. ^ Hiitory, K U. p. 4. ^ History of the Irish Rebellion, 

p. IS. * IincholiQii*! Irish Historical Library, p. 58. 8vo. PubIM, 



haviour towards them, helped not a Httle to 

lowest^ it is large^ and almost incredible, had we not 
such incontestable authority for it. — " This rebellion/' 
says Perinchief, " yielded fresh matter of reproach to 
his majesty, to whose councils, at first secretly, they 
[the faction in the English parliament] whispered, and 
at last publicly imputed, that horrid massacre : which 
slanders were coloured by the -xuts of the Irish rebels, 
who, to dishearten the English from any resistance, 
bragged that the queen was with their army; that the 
king would come amongst them with auxiliary forces; 
that they did but maintain his cause against the puri- 
tans; that they had the king's commission for what 
they did; shewing indeed a patent that themselves 
bad drawn, but thereto was affixed an old broad seal 
that had been taken firom an obsolete patent out of 
Farnham-abbey, by one Plunket, in the presence of 
many of their lords and priests, as was afterwards 

attested by the confession iof many ^" The same 

aspersions are taken notice of in the Icon Basilike : 
" It fell out, as a most unhappy advantage to some 
men's malice against me, that when they had impu- 
dence enough to lay any thing to my charge, this 
bloody opportunity should be offered them, with 
which I must be aspersed. Although there was nothing 
which could be more abhorred to me, being so full of 
sin against God, disloyalt}' to myself, and destructive 
to my subjects. Some men took it very ill not to be ^ 

believed, when they affirmed that what the Irish rebels 
did, was done with my privity (at least), if not by my 
commission. But these knew too well, that it is no 
news for some of my subjects to fight, not only with- 
out my commission, but against my command and 
person too : yet all the while to pretend they fight bj 

* Life of K. Charles, p. 19. 



hinder a reconciliation between him and 
his people. 

my authority, and for my safety." And in Ae para-* 
graph before, is observed, that " that sea of blood, 
which hath been there [in Ireland] cruelly and bar- 
barously shed, is enough to drown any man in both 
eternal infamy and misery, whom God shall find the 
malicious author or instigator of its effusions V Xte 
king, we see, according to these writers, Was greatly 
abused, when considered as one privy to the Irish 
rebellion. — Burnet also tells us, " That the. carl of 
Essex told him, that he had taken all the pains he 
co^d to enquire into the original of the Irish massacre; 
but could never, see any reason to believe the king had 
any accession to it. He did indeed believe, that the 
queen hearkened to the propositions made by the Irish, 
who undertook to take the government of Ireland into 
their hands, which they thought they could easily 
perform: and then, they said^ they would assist the 
king to subdue the hot spirits at Westminster, With 
this the plot of the insurrection began; jand all the 
Irish believed the queen encouraged it. But in the 
first design there was no thought of a mMsacre : that 
^ame in their head as they were laying methods of 
executing it, so as those were dtanaged by the priests^ 
they were the chief men that set on the Irish to all the 
blood and cruelty that followed ^.". 

Mr. Hume suggests the following arguments, to 
prove that Charles had no hand in the Irfsh rebellion. 

1. '* Ought the affirmation of perfidious infamous 
rebels ever to have passed for any authority? 

2. " Nobody can tell us what the words of the pre- 
tended commission was. That which we find in Rush- 

* Kin^ CliarlLs's Works, p. 671, * Burnetts History of his wn 

.Tim^ vol. I. p. 60. 



But that which had as gi^eat an influence 

worth's and in Milton's works, Toland's edition^ is 
plainly an imposture ; because it pretends to be dated 
in October 1641, yet mentions facts which happened 
not till some months after. It appears that the Irish 
rebels, observing some inconsistence in their first 
forgery, were obliged to forge this commission anew, 
yet could not render it coherent nor probable. 

3. " Nothing could more obviously be pernicious to" 
the king's cause, than the Irish rebellion ; because it 
increased his necessities, and rendered him still more 
dependent on the parliament, who had before suffi- 
ciently shewn on what terms they would assist him. 

.4. " The instant the king heard of the rebellion, 
which was a very few days after its commencement, 
he ififote to the parliament, and gave over to them the 
lOaoBgement of the war. Had he built any projects 
on that rebellion, would he not have waited some 
little time to see how they would succeed ? Would he 
presently have adopted a measure which was obviously 
so hurtful to his authority ? 
^ 5. '* What can be imagiiied to be the king's pro- 
jects? To raise the Irish to arms, I suppose, and 
bring them over to England for his assistance. But is 
it not plain, that the king never intended to raise war 
in England? Had that been his intention, would he 
have rendered the parliament perpetual ? Does it not 
appear by the whole train of events, that the parlia- 
ment forced him into the war ? 

6. " The king conveyed to the justices intelligence, 
which ought to have prevented the rebellion. 

7. "The Irish catholics, in all their future transac- 
tions with the king, where they endeavour to excuse 
their insurrection, never had the assurance to plead his 
commission; even amongst themselves they dropp^ 



as any thing in Avidening the breach be- 
that pretext. It appears that Sir Phelim O'Neale 
chiefly, and he only at first, promoted that imposture. 

8. " O'Neale himself confessed the imposture on 
his tryal, and at his execution. 

9. '* It is ridiculous to mention the justification 
which Charles 11. gave to the marquis of Antrim, a.% 
if he had acted hy his father's commission. Antrim 

-. had no hand in the first rebellion and massacre. He 
:V joii*^^ ^o^ ^^^ rebels till two years after, and he per- 
. formed important services to the king, in sending over 
a body of men to Montrose*." 

Thus have I given the reasons alleged by the friends - 
of Charles, to prove he had no hand in the Irish 
rebellion. The impartiality i^f history requires H re- 
presentation of the arguments alleged against faiiq^ oi% 
this head, by his adversaries. The reader' 

remember, that I am no ways answerable for the CO 
clusiveuess of the one side or the other. 

I. It is affirmed, that the king was ever friendly 
to the Irish papists. Milton, who alleges many 
proofs of it, may be consulted by the inquisitive 
reader**. I will add one or two, i»hich I suppose tell. 
not within his knowledge. 

The earl of Antrim, in a letter to lord Wcntworth, 
dated York-house, July 17, 1638, has the following 
passage : " The marquis [of Hamilton] informs me, 
that the lord of Lome, who possesses part of my 
predecessors lands (being the nearest parts of Scotland 
to Ireland)^ is providing men and arms with all the 
power he has, which he says and gives out is to en- 
counter me. This man is my enemy, and what his 
intentions are I do not know; but I thought, upon 


* History of GrMit Britain, toL L p. 304. in the note. 
Prose Works, vol. I. p. 445. 

* Milton's 


this inMngence, to move the king for arms for his 
majestie's service, and the better defence of my 
country*/' This, I suppose, he did, and his request 
was complied with by his majesty. For in a letter 
from Wentworth to the king, dated Dublin, 28th' 
July, 1638, we have the following passage. " The 
^rl of Antrim shall be observed, as your majesty hath 
directed, I wish his performance may answer the 
expectation it seems is had of him. For me, that 
must in all particulars unloose my heart towards all 
other respects, as oft as I am honoured to be heard by 
my graclMs master, I neither hope much of his 
parts, of his power, or of his affections. His lordship 
latdy writ to me to be furnished of arms, and that the 
magazine for them might be kept at Coleraine. Com- 
municate this with the council here I durst not; for I 
am sure they would never advise such a strength to 
be intrusted with a grandchild of the 6arl of Tyrone : 
and for myself, I hold it unsafe any store of arms 
should lye so near the great "Scotish plantations in 
those parts ; lest, if their countrymen grow trouble- 
some, and they partake of the contagion, they might 
jflnibieeto borrow those weapons of his lordship for a 
MM^^iime, and another purpose, than his lordship 
H^iM^Sid cause to thank them for. They are shrewd 
INfildjreii, not won much by courtship, especially from 
a Roihan catholick. I beseech your majestie's further 
directions in this particular, which shall be obeyed ^" 
lyvjSppears indeed, that Wentworth had no good 
opitii6n^of Antrim's designs ; for in a letter, written 
to his majesty the 11th of August following, speaking 
of some troops newly raised, he says, " If the earl of 
Antrim hear of the raising of these troops, your majesty 
will have him a suitor for one; but I beseech you he 

* iStrafforde's Letters, vol, II. p. 184. See also a passage from lord 
Wf&twortb in thf note 55. » Id. p. 1 87. 


'" r - '-" ' - - — •■■-V Mmm\^M%\^.y^ 


may not be admitted, as a thing that would belpspleds* 
ing to all the English on this side: his religion, nor 
yet his descent (being the grand-child and son <4 your 
nuy^ty knows whom), sort not well with it; and I am 
«pon very probable reason for believing, that in the 
way of pretending service, but doing nothing for ycxur 
majesty, he attentively watcheth to do something for 
his own fortune and power, for which hereafter to thank 
himself fer more than your majesty *." 

The king was far enough from being moved by these 
representations from his purposes of kindness to An- 
trim ; for in a letter, written from Woodstock the 30th 
of the same month, to the lord deputy, he expresses 
himself as follows : — ^* There rests nothing but the{i^r- 
ticular of the earl of Antrim to answer, whose profes- 
sions have been so free and noble at this time, that (as 
I have promised) indeed he deserves to be recom- 
mended to you; which at his coming over to you, I 
wish you to take notice of to him. But to have the 
command of a magazine of arms, I leave to you and 
the council there to judge how far ye will trust any one 
in that kind, of his profession in religion. To conclude 
this, I would have you favour and countenance hin^^^ 
much as any one of his profession in religion ^J**- . 

In a letter, written the 25th of Jan. folio wingy 
majesty tells the lord deputy, *' That he should be g^flvf 
if he could find some way to furnish Jthe earl of Antrini 
with arms, though he be a Roman catholick ; for he 
may be of much use to me at this time^ to shake kkoje 
upon the earl of Argyle*^." 

Lord Wentwortli again and again represented the 
earl alB poor, unexperienced, incapable of conducting 
any important affair, and withal mischievously beo^ 
But his orders from the king were express, and there 
was no farther room for refusing him. " If it be pos- 

* Straffoiile's Letters, voL 11. p. 20 k *" Id. p. S 1 1 . . ' Id. p. S75. 


rible," says the king in another letter, written Ap. 11, 
1639, to the lord deputy, *^ it is most fit that Antrim ' 
be set upon Argyle, and I shall no ways despair of the 
success, so that you lead the design, whereof I find him 
most desirous. Therefore I desire you not to shun it, 
but to assist him all you can in it""." " Upon the re- 
ceipt of his majestie's letter, lord Antrim sent to the 
O'Neal^ O^Haras, the O'Lurgans, (if I mistake not 
that name," says lord Wentworth), " the Mac Gen- 
nises, the Mac Guyres, the Mac Mahons, the Mac Don- 
uels, (as many Ocs and Macs as would startle a whole 
council-board on this side to hear of) and all his other 
friends, requiring them, in his majestie's name, to meet ~ 
him with their forces ; so as this business now is be- 
come no secret, but the common discourse both of his 
lordship and the whole kingdom V 

Lov^W^Otworth still continued to represent the 
foUy or hia undertakings, and the danger of trusting 
himntith power. At length his majesty ordered secre- 
tary Windebank to write him word, " That his reasons 
against the work itself, in the way he [Antrim] pro- 
posed it, and the dangerous consequences it must 
necessarily produce, are very solid and unanswerable: 
nevertheless,'' adds he, " his majesty will not have the 
earl discouraged, but rather heartened as much as may 
be ; and likes your lordships advice in the end of your 
dispatch very well, that the designs may rest till tjlfe Jj^ 

next spring; and in the mean time so carried, as nei- a ^.^ 
ther the earl be discouraged, nor set at liberty from 
his undertaking, but that such use may be made of 
him as may be for the advantage of his majestie's. 
service^." «■ 

But farther, the favour in which the Irish catholics 
were with the king, appears from an cxtra«tt»»nt grant 
made by him to the earl of St. Alban's air d : 

* Straffi>nle'8 Lttlti% yol. II. p. 31S. ^ M. p. 9* 

.-• *v.'*.-j 


. 400 THE LIFE OF 

*' a grant of divers lands and tenements of a large ex- 
tent and value, containing a great part of the county of 
Galway, where the people, besides their idleness and 
want of manufactures, were in a manner wholly Popish 
and Irish, not a Protestant or Englishman of note itf 
the whole county, extreamly addicted in their affections 
to Spain, and accommodated with fit harbours to com^ 
ply with them*." The lord deputy and council drew 
up a very strong remonstrance against the carrying it 
into execution; in which, among many other things, 
it is observed, that "It hath been the constant endear 
. vour of this state [the Irish] to break the dependences 
whidi. great lords draw to themselves, of followers, 
tenants, and neighbours, and make the subject td hold 
immediately of the crown, and n6t to be linbk to the 
distresses of great lords; which course, if itbe^nsfiful 
in other parts of this kingdom, is most jiecesM^^hme. 
For partly by reason of this earl's large patents^ Ud 
many tenures on him therebj^ granted; partly by his 
commission of presidency in that county, which makes 
him little less or other than a count palatine; and 
partly by the power which the popish clergy have with 
the people there; this state hath found very little obe- 
dience in any thing wherein that earl and clergy have 
not been pleased to concur, and in future times the 
danger thereof may be sooner felt than prevented, as 

* Ir ^ some examples in our neighbour kingdom we may 

* ^ easily foresee **." But his majesty's pleasure w*as to 

have the grant passed, notwithstanding all that could 
be alleged ; though, in the opinion of the lord deputy, 
" he had much better have given him one hundred 
thousand pounds out of his coffers in ready money ^." 

3. It is alleged that Charles's good aifections to the 
rebels is manitest, from the tenderness with which he 
always gpAe of and treated them. There was no pro* 

* StrafiKuMrlMton, vol. IL p. 366. ^ Id. {i. 96^ « Id. p. 425. 



clamatioii ordered against the rebels till January 1641, 
and wUen it was printed, then it was of little effect; 
for his majesty expressly commanded the printer " to 
print not above forty copies, and to forbear to make 
any further publication of them till his pleasure be fur- 
ther signified'." — Mr. Wood, speaking of Sir Edward 
Walker, says, that " with great diligence and obser- 
vation he had committed to writing, in a paper-book, 
the several occurrences that passed in the king's army, 
and the victories obtained by his majesty over his r&- • 

bellious subjects, the book was seized on at the battle 
of Naseby, by some of the forces belonging to the pax- 
liament, then victors. Afterwards it was presented to 
their genefal, called Sir Thotaas Fairfax, who perusing j, 

it, found one passage therein, which was very observa^ . 

ble to him, viz. That whereas he [Walker] had takan 
occasion to speak of the Irish, and called them rebels ; 
his majesty, who before that time had perused the book, 
did, among several alterations made therein with his 
own hand, put out the word rebels with his pen, and 
over it wrote Irish''." — Milton observes, that " this j^^ { 
chapter [concerning the Irish rebellion, in the Icon ^^^B^ 
Basilike], if nothing else, may suffice to discover his ^Hf'"' 
good affections to the rebels ; which, in this that fol- 
lows, too notoriously appeals; imputing this insurrec- 
tion to ' the preposterous rigour and unreasonable se- 
verity, the covetous zeal and uncharitable fury of some i, 
men;' (these ' some men' by his continual paraphrase, ., 
arc meant the parliament) ; ' and lastly, to the fear of | 
utter extirpation.' If the rebels had fee'd some advo- j 
cate to speak partially and sophiatically in thei 
fence, he could hm'dly have dazzled better ; 
thelesg, would have proved himself no other than a 
plausible deceiver'." 

" Wooi'i Fasti, vol. II 

£5Sa=,rfL2t-^SiilJ!L.^^--.l.^^ ■'■"i'r- -^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 


: 4. " Mac Mahoun, who was to join the lord Mac Gaire 
for the surprising the castle of Dublin^ being taken*, 
and examined at the rack, confessed that the original 
of the rebellion was brought to them out of England 
by the Irish committee, employed to his majesty for 
the redress of grievances *.'* ' 

5. Stress was laid by the lords and commons on 
" the general profession of the rebels in all parts of 
that kingdom [Ireland], that the cause of their rising" 
was to preserve his majesty and the queen from being 
oppressed by the puritan parliament, and that it was 
by their consent. That they knew well the best in 
England would side with them ; that they had good 
warrant in black and white for what they did. Their 
ealling the English army parliament-rogues, and trai- 
tors to the queen ;' and telling them, at the beginning 
of the rebellion, before any appearances of war here^ 
that ere long they should see England as much in blood 
as Ireland then was. That they had their party in 
England and Scotland, which should keep both king- 
doms so busy at home, that they should not send any 
aid against them ; with a multitude of such like ex- 
pressfons from the Irish of the best quality and de- 


6. Mr. Jephson, a member of the house of commons^ 
at a conference before both houses, delivered himself 
in these words : " At my late being at Oxford, finding 
the lord Dillon and the lord Taaffe in favour at court, 
I'acquainted the lord Faulkland, his majesty's secretary, 
that there were t^o lords about the king, who, to his 
roajjesty's great dishonour, and the great discourage- 
ment! of his good subjects, did make use of his majesty's 
name to encourage tlie rebels : to make this appear, I 
informed him, that I had seen two letters, sent by the 
lord Dillon and the lord Taaffe, to the lord of Muskerie, 

■ RushwOTth, vol. V. p. 349. . ^ 


fcrVtrVVV^ ',t"t- ■'■ 

"-"^■*— -■ - -^■-■^-■■» 

CHARLES I. 403^ 

the chief man in rebellion in Munster, and one of the 
Irish committee sent into England^ intimating, that 
though it did not stand with the cooTeniency of hi? 
majestie's affairs to give him publick countenance, yet 
that his majesty was well pleased with what he did, 
and would in time give him thanks for it (or near to 
that purpose) ; that these letters were seen by Jthe lord 
Inchiquine, the chief commander of the English forces 
in Munster, and by his secretary, who had kept copies 
of them; and that I was ready to justify as. much. 
Whereupon the lord Faulkland was pleased to say, that 
they deserved to be hanged. But though I staid 
there at Oxford about a week after this discovery made, 
I never was called to any farther accompt, nor any 
prejudice done to these two lords; but they had the 
same freedom in court as before, for aught I could ob- 
serve or hear to the contrary *." 

7. The earl of Leicester, being appointed lord lieu- 
tenant of Ireland by his majesty, was desired by the 
parliament speedily to repair thither. Whereupon he 
waited on his majesty at York to receive his instruc- 
tions; but he was for a long time put off" with words; 
and not only so, " but the king being informed that 
there were certain draught-horses provided; to be sent' 
into Ireland, his majesty told him he must have tbem 
for his own tiiie. — Leicester strongly remonfttraitiwl: 
against it ; but in. vain : for the king gave a warrant to 
fetch the horses, aod commanded one Errington on his 
allegiance to execute it ^." 

On this head it is farther alleged, " That the parlia- 
ment and adventurers having designed 5000 foot, and 
500 horse, for the relief of Munster, under the com- 
mand of lord Wharton— and when nothing was want- 
ing but a commission to the lord Wharton, to enable 
him for that service, no commission could be obtained 

V • RushwoTth, TOL V. p . 350. ^ Id. p. 1 4. 

D d 2 



from his majesty; by reason whereof, Limerick was 
wholly lost, and the province of Munster iii great dis- 
tress. Thai clothes, provided by the parliament for 
the troops in Ireland, were seized by his majesty's offi- 
cers here in Englaod. That his majesty's forces were 
so quartered in and about the common roads to Ire- 
land, that neither money, clothes, victuals, or other 
provision could pass thither by land with any safety. 
That captain Kettleby the admiral, and Sir Henry Strad- 
ling the vice-admiral of the ships, which were directed 
to lie upon the coast of Ireland, to annoy the rebels, 
and to prevent the bringing to them ammunition and 
relief from foreign parts, were both called away from 
that employment by his majesty's command; and by 
reason of their departure from the coast of Munster, 
, the rebels there had received powder, ammunition, and 
. lelief from foreign parts ^." Whoever would see more 
OD this subject, may consult the answer of the house of 
commons to his majesty's message of the ISih of Aug. 
^1642, from which the above ia extracted. 

. The cessation made by the rebels, Sept. l643, 
after the war had been carried on " by the English 
from the first landing of" their forces out of England, 
.with so great success, as that, in all the encounters they 
1 with the rebels during that time, they never re- 
ived any scorn or defeats; but went on victoriously, 
seating them down in all parts of the hingdom''." — 
f f* This cessation," says lord Ctarendott, " made and 
'.continued with those rebels, though prudently, charita- 
bly, and necessarily entered into [were not the English 
^ways victorious], had been the most unpopular act 
the king had ever done, and had wrongfully contri- 
buted to the reputation of the two houses of parlia- 

luihwDrth, vol, IV. p. 176- "Temple's Histtiiyof llie Iriih 

^Kebcllion, p. 33S. ' Kebellloa and Civil Wars in Ireland, p. GS. 



Lord Laasdown, speaking of this same afiair, calls it 
" ihat fatal cessation with the rebels, as much exclaim- 
ed against by the king's friends at Oxford, as by his 
enemies at Westminster'." By this cessation a good 
part of the regiments sent to Ireland was called back, 
and in a maaner forced to fight against the parliament 
of England. — Milton, with great seeming ftirce, presses 
Charles on this head in the following words. " That | 
we may yet see further how much he was their friend, 
after that the parliament had brought them every 
where either to famine, or a low condition, he, to give 
them all the respite and advantages they could desire, 
without advice of parliament, to whom he himself had 
committed the managing of that war, makes a cessa- 
tion ; in pretence to relieve the protestants ' overborne 
there with numbers,' but, as the event proved, to sup- 
port the papists, by diverting and drawing over the 
English army there, to his own service here against 
the pailiament j for that the protestaiits were then on 
the winning hand, it must needs be plain; who not- 
withstanding the miss of those forces, which at their 
landing here mastered, without great difficulty, great 
part of Wales and Cheshire, yet made a shift to keep 
their own in Ireland''." 

9. The employing the earl of Glamorgan to nego- 
tiate with the rebels, in order to bring over a body of 
them for his service against the parhament of England, 
has been deemed no way f;ivourable to the character of 
Charles in this affair. 

The negotiations of Glamorgan with the pope's oun- 
tio are very curious : the truth of them cannot, I think, 
well be doubted by the considerate and impartial reader 
of the Enquiry into the Share which K. Cliarles 1. had 
in the Transactions wf the Earl of Glamorgan, and the 

?!?!?!![iJiitfLfi!"'^1fiiwi A» ' I I ""''' - '-' " • ' "■''"' 


' / 



Appendix lately added. To these I must refer such as 
chuse to have information on this head*. * * 

10. Charles II. in a letter directed to the duke of Or- 
mond and the lords of the council in Ireland, dated Jaly 
10th, 1663, says expressly, that the ^' referees, after 
several meetings, and perusal of what had been offered 
to them by the marquis [of Antrim], have reported to 
us, that they have seen several letters, all of them the 
Jiand-writing of our royal father, to the said marquis, 
and several instructions concerning his treating and 
joining with the Irish, in order to the. king's service, 
by reducing to their obedience, and by drawing some 
forces from them for the service of Scotland. That 
besides the letters and orders under his majestie's hand^ 
they have received sufficient evidence and testimony of 
several private messages and directions sent from oui: 
royal father, and from our royal mother, with the 
privity and with the directions of the king our fkther ; 
:by which they are persuaded, that whatever intelli- 
gence, correspondence, or actings the said marquis had 
with the confederate Irish catholicks, was directed or 
allowed by the said letters, instructions, and direc- 
tions; anjd that it manifestly appears to them, that 
the king our father was well pleased with what the 
marquis did, after he had done it, and approved the 
same." — And again, says his majesty, " We cannot in 
justice but, upon the petition of the marquis of Antrim, 
and after the serious and strict inquisition into his 
actions, declare unto you, that we do find him inno- 
cent from any malice or rebellious purpose against the 
crown ; and that what he did by way of fcorrespond- 
ence, or compliance with the Irish rebels, was in ordeSf 
;to the service of our royal father, and waiTanted by 
his instructions, and the trust reposed in him; and 
tiiat the benefit thereof accrued to the service of th^ 


' 3^ also CasilebaTen's Memoirt, fi. 79. - *'^ 





iween lils majesty and his parliament, was 

crown, and not to the particiilnr advantfige and benefit 
of the marquis"." 

If this account given by Charles II. be true, his 
father must have had more hand in the Iiiah rebellion 
than his'friends could have wished. For though Mr. 
-Hume is so very positive to the contrary, nothing is 
more certain than that Antrim had a hand in the first 
rebellion in Ireland. — Dr. Borlace says expresslji "that 
the marquis of Antrim, from the beginning, bad 
passionately served them [the confederate eatholick.ij 
in their most intimate concerns'"." Lord Clareadtn^ 
speaking of Antrim, says, " The rebellion drove his 
lady [the dowager of Villiers duke of Buckingham] 
from Ireland, to find a livelihood out of her own estate 
in England. — ^The earl of Antrim, who was a man of 
excessive pride and vanity, and of a very weak and 
narrow understanding, was no sooner witboui the 
counsel and company of his wife, than he betook him- 
self to the rebels S" If this is not sufficient, I observe 
further, that in the declaration of the lords and 
commons concerning the rise and progress of the Irish 
rebellion, dated July 25, 1643, we have the follow- 
ing words: " The earl of Antrim, a notorious rebel, 
was taken by the Scots army in Ulster, and imprisoned 
there, upon suspicion of high treason. To avoid his 
tryal, he brake prison, and 6ed into the north parts of 
England, and hath been with the queen at York a long 
time; from whence he was sent to the rebels of UlsteSr 
with secret instructions, and had ammunition assigned 
him by the queen's directions ^," It was nothing near 
two years from the breaking out of the rebellion that 

■ See tlie Letter at iprgc in Truth brought to Liglit, p. 
, vol. I. p. 56. " Hislory of the Irii 

Lond. 1 630. ' Clarendon, toI. IV. p. fiOI. 

V ther 

■|L detal 



the impeachment of the lord Kimbolton*' 

this was published to the world. These are the 

principal Krguments urged against Charles, on the 
head of the Irish rebellion. For his memory's sake, 
and for the credit of human nature, it were to he 
wished that they may have less real than seeming force. 
I know not thai I have omitted any thing in his vindi- 
cation : I may be mistaken; but if I have, it is merely 
through ignorance or inadvertency: for nothing is 
more mean and base than to attempt to conceal the 
truth of history. The reader here is carefully to re- 
member, that tliose who think worst of this prince, do 
not suppose him consenting or even privy to the 
massacre. This is too black a thing for him to be 
charged with, even by his foes. But what is alleged 
against him is, that he excited the Irish to appear in 
arms, master the prutestants, and help the king against 
his parliament. 

" The impeachment of the lord Kimholton, Denzil 
Holies, &.C.] Charles, who never regarded the privi- 
leges ff pariiament, being greatly vexed to find that 
the stream ran against him, determined to avenge 
blmstlf on those whom he deemed to be the authors of 
the opposition made to his will. For this end, Sir 
Edward Herbert, the king's attorney-general, by his 
majesty's command, accused the six above-mentioned 
persons of high Iteasiin. The lords, before whom Mr. 
attorney had appeared, sent notice to the commons, 
that soine of tlieir members had this charge advanced 
against them. At (he same time information was also 
brought them, that several pereons were sealing up 
the trunks, doors, and papers belonging to Mr. Pym, 
Mr. Holies, and the rest of the five members. The 
house of commons, on this news, made an order for 
the resisting those concerned in such proceedings, and 
detainiog them in safe custody; and withal desired a 


Dcnzil Holies, Sir Arthur Haslerig, Mr. 
Pym, Mr. Hambdcn, and Mr. Strode, of 

conference with the lords, touching the breach of 
privilege. Whilst this latter wa^ in agitation, a aer- 
jeant at arms, being sent by the king, was admitted 
into the bouse, where he, in hia majesty's name, de- 
manded the five gentlemen, and told them, he was 
commanded to arrest tliem for high treason. The 
commons hereupon made an humble application to the 
Ling, but ordered the members to keep (heir seats ia 
the house. WhereupoD, on the 4th of January, IG4I, 
information being given them that endeavours would 
be used that day to apprehend the five members, the 
house required them to (lejiart. They bad no sooner 
obeyed, than his majesty with bis guards entered the 
house; "and as he passed up towards the chair he 
cast his eye on tlie right hand, near the bar of the 
house, where Mr, Pym used to sit; but his majesty 
not seeing him there (knowing him well), went up to 
the chair, and said, ' By your leave, Mr. speaker, £ 
must borrow your chair a little;' whereupon the 
speaker came out of the chair, and his majesty slept 
up into it. After be had stood in the chair a while, - 
casting bis eye upon the members as they stood up 
uncovered, but could not observe any of the five 
members to be there; nor indeed were they easy to be 
discerned (had tbey been there) among so many bare 
feces, all standing up together'." Then his majesty 

made this speech. " 1 am sorry for this occasion of 

my coming unto you: yesterday I sent a scrjeant at 
arms, upcn a very important occasion, to apprehend 
some that by my command were accused of high 
treason; whereupon I did expect obedience, andnota 
message. And 1 must declare unto you, that albeit oo 

■ Bushn-orl!., vol. IV. p. 475, 4:6, iTJ, 

wnr*: ■a»n.-.rv>: . . . .„.-.-. , ._ - .^ 


high treason, by the attorney-general, and 
his majesty's coming in person with a guard 

king that ever was in England shall be more careful of 
•your priviledges, to maintain them to the uttermost of 
his power, than 1 shall be ; yet you must know, that 
in cases of treason no person hath a priviledge. And 
therefore I am come to know, if any of these persons 
that were accused are here: for I must tell you, gentle* 
men, that so long as these persons that I have accused 
(for no slight crime, but treason) are here, I cannot 
expect that this house will be in the right way that I 
do heartily wish it : therefore I am come to tell you:, 
fthat I. must have them wheresoever I find them. WelJ, 
since I see-all the birds are fiown, I do expect froni 
•you, that you shall send them unto me as soon as they 
return hither. But I assure you, on the word of a 
king, I never did intend any force ; but shall proceed 
against them in a legal and fair way, for I never 
meant any other. And now, since I see I cannot do 
!what I came for, I think this no unfit occasion to 
jrepeat what I have said formerly : that whatsoever J 
have done in favour, and to the good of my fiubjects, I 
, do. mean to maintain it. I will trouble you- no more; 
but tell you, I do expect, as soon as they come to the 
house, you will send them to me; otherwise I must 
take my own course to find them/' 

" When the king was looking about the house, the 
speaker standing below the chair, his majesty asked 
tiro, * .Whether any of these persons were in the house? 
iwhether he saw any of them ? and where they were P 
To which the speaker, falling on his kn^e, thus df^ 
^5vered : 

. ' May it please your majesty, 
* I have neither eyes to see, nor tongue to speak in 
this place, but as the house is pleased to direct me, 
whose setva^t I am here; ^ftd humbly beg yourraa* 

CHARLES t 411 

to demand them of the house. Tliis greatly 
alarmed both houses of parhament, and 
made them cast about for then- own secu- 


jeatjr's pardon, that I cannot give any other answer 
than this, to what your majesty is pleased to demand 
of lue.' 

" The king having concluded his speech, went out 
of the house again, which was in great disorder; aud 
many members cried out aloud, so as he might heat 
them, Priviledge! Priviledge! and forthwith adjourned 
tilt the next day, at one of the clock'." This actioo 
of his majesty's was, the next day, declared by "the 
house of commons to be a high breach of the rights 
and priviledge of parliament, and inconsistent with 
the liberties and freedom thereof." 

In short, the commons adjourned themselves for 
several days, and appointed a committee to sit in 
Guitdball. The king proclaimed the accused members 
Waiters i hut they were vindicated by the parliament, 
as well aa protected and caressed by the city of 
XiOiidon, "who conducted them on the 11th of Jan, 
jbllowlng, in great pomp to Westminster; from 
whence the king witii his family had retired the day 
before to Ham peon-court. — " It cannot be expressed," 
says Clarendon, " how great a change there appeared to 
be in the countenance and minds of all sorts of people, 
in town and country, upon these late proceedings of 
ihe king. They, who had before even lost their spirits, 
having lost their credit and reputation, except amongst 
the meanest people, who could never have been made 
use of by them, when the greater should forsake them; 
and so despaired of ever being able to compass their 
designs of malice or ambition (and some of Ihcm had 

*■ Hii?hirorth, vol. IV- p. 475. See also ParUamcQlHry History, vol. X 
(t.164. » W. p. 1G7. - . 



to be I 

-rity, as well as for what they deemed to be 
|for the common good. The power, there- 
ore, of the militia was strenuously demand- 

lyesumed their old resolutions of Ica-ying the kingdom) ; 
low again recoverci) greater courage than ever, and 
jBuickly found that their credit and reputation was as 
er it had heen, the court being reduced to 
a lower condition, and to more disesteeiu and neglect 
than ever it had undergone All that they had formerly 
said of plots and conspiiacies against the parliament, 
which had before been l.iua;hed at, was now thought 
true and real; and all iheir lears and jealousies looked 
upon as the effects of theii greit wibdom and foresight. 
AU that had been whispered ot Ireland, was now 
talked aloud and printed; as all other seditious pam- 
phlets and libels were. The sihops of the city generally 
shut up, as if an enemy were at their gates, ready to 
enter and to plunder them; and the people in all 
places at a gaze, as if they looked only for directions, 
and were then disposed for any undertaking "■" 

And afterwards he observes, " That from this day 
we may reasonably date the levying of war in England ; 
whatsoever hath been since done, being but the aupei^ 
structures upon those foundations which were then 
laid''." Mr. Hume also attributes "all the ensuing 
disorders and civil wars to this impeachment of lord 
Kimbolton and the live members'." Mr. Whitlock 
in like manner observes, " that this sudden action of 
the king's was the Srat visible and apparent ground of 
the ensuing troubles ■*." The author of Icon Basilike 
acknowledges the inconveniences brought on his ma- 
jesty hereby in the following words: " My going to 
the house of commons to demand Justice upon the five 

» aarendon, vol. iV. i>. 377. " Id. p. 3B3. < Hnne*s 

Hi»tor)-,p.3ia, • Wbitlock's MemorialE, p,53. 


■ edb 

■ This 



ed by them, and as stiffly refused by Charles. 
Tins gave rise to a civil vfai^% which in a 

members, was an act which my enemies loaded with 
all theobloquiesand exasperaliona they could. It filled 
indifferent men with great jealousies and fears; yea, 
and many of my friends resented it as a motion rising 
rather from passion than reason, and not guided with 
Buch discretion as tiie touchiness of those times re- 
quired'." Nor could less well be expected from such 
an action as this: for it was apparent to the whole 
world, that his majesty looked on these men as his 
enemies, merely on account of what they had done in 
parliament, in which the majority of the houses had 
concurred with them; and tlicrefore every man who 
had thus concurred, had reason tn expect the like 
treatment, the consequence of which could be nothing 
less than the destruction of the inembere, and the suh- 
Tersion of the liberties of the people. From Charles's 
treatment of Loudon ", may be guessed how he would 
have used these members, had he once got them iotu 
his power, 

** The disputes about the militia gave rise to a civil 
war.] Heylin, speaking concerning the king's going 
to the house and demanding the five members, says, 
" This was voted by the house of commons, for such 
an imexpiable breach of priviledgc, that neither the 
king's qualifying of that action, nor his desisting from 
the prosecution of that impeachment, nor any thing 
that he could either ssy or do, would give satisfaction ; 
nothing must satisty their jealousies, and secure iheir 
fears, but the putting the Tower of London into *helr 
hands, together with the command of the royal navy, 
as also of the forts, castles, and the train bands of the 
kingdom, all comprehended under the name of the 

• King Cburtes's Works, p. 650. " See note 51. 



short time extended over the whol6 kifig-^ 
dom, divided friends and famiUes, and filled' 

niilitia*." We are told also the same by Charles 
himself^ when on the scafibld. " All the world knows 
that I never did begin a war first with the two houses 
of parliament; and I call God to witness, to whom I 
must shortly make an account, tbat I never did intend 
to incroach upon their priviledges : they began upoa 
me; it is the militia they began upon; they confest 
that the militia was mine ; but they thought it fit for 
to have it from me^." That the parliament thought 
it fit to have* tha militia from Charles, is evident. The 
. preamble to the ordinance, concerning the militia^ is 
in the following words : " Whereas there has been, of 
' late, ar most dangerous and desperate design upon tlie 
house of commons, which we have just cause to 
believe to be an effect of the bloody counsels of papists^ 
and other ill-affected persons, who have already raised 
a rebellion in the kingdom of Ireland : and by reason 
of many discoveries, wecannot but fear they will pro- 
ceed, pot only to stir up the like rebellion and insur- 
rections in this kingdom of England, but also to back 
them with forces from abroad: for the safety there-^ 
fore of his majesty's person, the parliament and king-^ 
dom, in this time of imminent danger, it is ordained % 
&c." This was read and agreed to by the Iords,.Feb» 
16, 1641; and ordered to be presented to the king by 
the lords Stamford and Grey. 

Lord Clarendon says, ** This ordinance was the most 
avowed foundation of all the miseries that followed**." 
Both houstjs of parliament made applications to his 
majesty to give his assent to it; but he refusing, they 

• Life of Laud, p. 500. "» King Charles's Works, p. 20K 

* Parliamentary History, vol. XL p. 285 i Clarendon, vol. IL p. 43 U 

* Id. ib. 


almost every corner with terror and blood- 
very plainly tell him, iq a declaration of March 1, lfi4l, 
" They are inforced, in aU bumility, to protest, tijat if 
your majesty shall persist ib that denial, the dangers and 
distempers of the kingdom are such as will endure no 
longer delay: but unless you shall be graciously pleased 
to assure them, that you will speedily apply your royal 
assent to the satisfaction of their former desires, they 
shall be enforced, for the safety of your majesty and 
your kingdoms, to dispose of the militia, by the autho- 
rity of both houses, in such manner as hath been pro- 
pounded to yonr majesty, and chey resolve to do it hc- 
cordingly"." The king, however, remained inflexible; 
Whereupon it was resolved by tlie commons, and as- 
sented to by the lords, " That the kingdom be put 
forthwith into a posture of defence, by authority of 
parliament, in such a way as is already agreed on by 
both houses ''." Accordingly the ordinance passed 
the house of lords on the 5th of the same month, the 
king's name and authority being wholly left out of it. 
It would be tiresome to the reader to mention what far- 
ther passed on this subject. Those who are desirous 
of infonnation, may consult Rushworth's Collections, . 
or the Parliamentary History. All I shall say more is, 
that the parliament proceeding in settling the militia, 
and requiring persons concerned to put it in execution, 
the king forbad it, and on the conti-ary sent forth his 
commission of array, which by the two houses was de- 
clared to be illegal. Thus some obeying the king, 
others the parliament, oppositions arose, and blows 
ensued, till at last tUfl-whole kingdom was involved in. 
blood. , - 

In the passage above quoted, Charles dedares, 
" That the parliament confessed th;it the militia was 

' Parliamentary UirtMy, «| 



shed. To such an uuliapp^ state were we 

f bis ; but ihey thought it fit to have it from Uiai." This 
I is not an exact representatton of their opitii'in. For 
[ &ough Mr. Palmer, Mr. Hy3e, Mr. Bridgman, and di- 
I lers others, emiDeat lawyers and gentlemen, gave their 
^ opinions positively against the bill, and left the bouse 
upon the passing of it; yet " the lord Littleton [lord 
I keeper] was most confident for the legality of it, and 
I tfivers other lawyers and gentlemen of tlie short robe 
I were clearly for it : and that the lords and commons, 
I case of the king's minority, sickness, or absence. 
End done the same'," However, it must be confessed 
iie parliament, bad they not been urgetl by considera- 
I lions of their own and the kingdom's safety, probably i 

I would never have thought of assuming this power. 
I For Whitlock tells us it was urged, as arguments in 
iavour of the parliament's passing tbe ordinance, 
" That the business of Ireland, and other threatning 
L (langers, gave too much cause of fears and Jealousies 
to the parliament, and to stand upon tbeir guard, and 
for defence of themselves and the kingdom: without 
which the king would so grow upon them, and his evil 
counsellors so prevail, that they would undoubtedly 
r bring their designs to pass, of a speedy introducing of 
tifiopery and tyranny; whereas, if they saw the parliu- 
. ineni in a good posture of defence, and thai the people 
' would generally adhere to them, as no doubt but that 
' they would, tliat then the king would be brought to a 
good accommodation and agreement with his parlia- 
ment, without a blow to be struck between them : 
whereby they sliould preserve rfie just rights and liber- 
ties of tbe subject, the priviledge of parliament, and 
I themselves and tlieir friends, and tlie proicatant reli- 
[ (ioiU ^''t'Di i^i>iii i ^'hich, without this appearance only 

CIIj-AULES I. 417 

then reduced! However, the motives on 

of arms, or power lo arm, if there should be occasion, 
would unavoidably be brought lo pass." — And he far- 
ther tells us, " That the m63t powerful and active 
members solemnly protested, that they had not the 
least purpose or intention of any war with the king, 
but to arm themselves for their necessary defence'." — 
In short, they thought they had great reason to dis- 
trust his majesty; and, thinking this, it is no wonder 
they should endeavour to provide for their own secu- 
rity. In the answer to his majesty's message from 
Newmarket, we have the following words, which merit 
the attention of the reader. " To your inajeslie's nexl 
qaestion, whelher you had denied any bill for the ease 
and security of your subjects? we wish we could stop 
in the midst of our answer, That with much thankful- 
ness we acknowledge that your majesty hath passed 
many good bills, full of contentment and advantage 
to your people : but truth and necessity enforce us to 
add this, that, even in or about the time of passing 
those bills, some design or other hath been on foo'^ 
which, if it had taken effect, would not only have de* 
prived us of the fruit of those bills, but have redncea 
us to artorse condition of confusion than that wherein 
the parliament found us"," This was a home-thrust, 
Milton, speuklng on this subject, has the following 
passage: " lie [Charles] was also raising forces in 
London, pretendedly to serve Portugal, but with in- 
tent to seize the Tower; into which divers cannoneers 
were by him sent, with many fireworks and granadoes, 
and many great battering pieces were mounted againlst 
the city. The court was fortified with ammunition, 
and soldiers new listed, who followed tlie king from 
London, and appeared at Kingstcn some hundreds of 

• iVIiitliKt, p. S9. 

' ParliBmeutary Histsry, vol. X. p. 3'.S, 



which this war was entered into by the par-- 

horse in a warlike manner^ with waggons of ammuni- 
tion after them: the queen in Holland was buying 
more, of which the parliament had certain knowledge^ 
and h^d not yet so much as demanded the militia to be 
settled^ till they knew both of her going over sea, and 
to what intent. For she had packed up the crown- 
jewels to have been going long before, had not the 
parliament, suspecting by the discoveries at Burrow- il 
bridge what was intended with the jewels, used means '^ 

to stay her journey till the winter. Hull, and the ma- 
gazine there, had been secretly attempted under the 
king^s hand; from whom (though in his declarations 
renouncing all thought of war) notes were sent over 
Ma for supply of arms, which were no sooner come^ 
but the inhabitants of Yorkshire and other counties 
were called to arms, and actual forces raised, while the 
parliament were yet petitioning in peace, and had not 
one man listed*." Those who are acquainted with the- 
history of these times, know there is some truth in 
what is here asserted, and therefore will not wonder at 
r^the resolution of the parliament to hinder the king 
from executing his intentions. For, by the law of na- 
ture, all have a right to defend themselves, and to 
make use of the means in their power. Nor could it 
reasonably have been expected by Charles, that thosQ 
who had been ruled by him without and against law, 
and whose destruction, as a free people, they were per- 
•oaded he still meditated, his promises notwitbstand- 
mg : I say, it could not have been reasonably expecte4 
that people thus used, in times of extremity, should 
keep themselves within the exact bounds of law, and 
thereby defeat the end of the law, their preservation. 
Had Charles himself observed the laws to which he 

' IcoDOclMtes, 2d edit. p. 41; and ParliameDtary History, vol. XI. p. 359. 


liament, have by many been deemed most 
just and generous": though by others it 

was sworn, and dealt sincerely in the concessions he 
made in this parliament, he might have retained 
the power of the sword in his own hands; but when it 
was believed, upon very probable grounds, that he was, 
at heart, the same man he from the beginning of his 
reign had been ; when those by whose care, industry, 
and public spirit he had been brought within bounds, 
were looked on with hatred by him, and marked out 
for destruction; when those who had counselled and 
advised him in his former illegal courses were the ob- 
jects of his esteem and regard, and all this firmly be- 
lieved by the managers in the two houses: are we to 
admire at, or blame their proceedings? It was human 
nature, and that not corrupted and depraved ; but hu- 
man nature as created by God himself, and as of right 
it ought to be, and as indeed it always will and must 
be, where it is not debased by vassalage and chains. 

"* The motives on which the parliament entered into 
the war, have been deemed just and generous.] Here 
are my authorities. — Lord Holies, who had borne bo 
great a part in the transactions of these times, and had 
been so intimately acquainted with the prime managen 
in both houses, speaks as follows: " When in the be- 
ginning of this parliament, in the year 1643. after some 
progress in a parliamentary way to the relieving of 
many of our grievances, and reformiug many abuses 
both in church and state (for which we were not suffi- 
ciently thankful), it pleased God, in his just judgment, 
for the punishment of our sins, to send a spirit of di- 
vision between king and parliament; and things grevr 
to that height, as both of them appealed to the sword 
, to plead their cause, and decide their quarrel: them"'"- 
bers of parliament who then engaged, declared 
EC 2 

**) tHE LIFE OF 

has been looked on as most base, wicked, 
and rebellious, being undertaken against 

I|Ll£lves to desire nothing but the settlement of the king- 
I ^m, in the liououi and greatness of the king, and in 
I the happiacs3 and safety of the people: and whenso- 
r ever that could be obtained, to lay down th« sword, and 
L snbinit again to the king's sceptre of peace, more wiU> 
I ingiy than ever they resisted his force aud power. This, 
r X am sure, was the ultimate end of many; I may say, 
l-of the chiefest of those wlio at that time appeared: 
I ,^pon which principle they first moved, and from which 
I |bey never departed; which made tliem at tliat time 
I lesolve to put their lives in their hands, and offer them 
I 9, sacrifice to llie welfare and happiueas of their prince 
I ^d country : 1 say, prince as well as country, though 
I he perhaps looked on tlicni as his greatest enemies; 
I Wt they considered hiui as their prince, whom catare, 
I duty, the command of God, and the laws of meo^ 
t obliged thcni to reverence, and to love as the head 
Vfgd &tber of the people, whose greatness consisted in 
Kifis people's, and his people's in his; and therefore 
■^- eould be neither great nor happy, one without the 
other, which uiaile those faithful ones put them both 
in the same balance, aud rather adventure his dis- 
pleasure by promoting the.public cause, tliaii (as they 
thought) his ruin by destrting it"." Lord Fairfax also 
plainly gives his reasons for engaging in the cause of 
the parliament. ^" I must needs say my judgment was 
for the parliament, aa the king and kingdom's great 
Had eafest council; as others were averse to parlin- 
ments, because they did not go high enough for prero- 
i.gative. Upon this division different powers were set 
' up : the commission of array for the king, and the mi- 

', P- 3- 



the rojral authority; and therefore lias been 

litia for the parliament, But those of the array, in 
oppressing many honest people, whom, by way of re- 
proach, they called Roundheads, who, for their reli- 
gion, estates, and interest, were a very considerable 
part of the country; which occasioned them to take 
up arms in their oivn defence, and it was aftenvards 
confirmed by authority of parliament"." 

What the motives to this war on ihe parliament's 
side were, will still farther appear from the votes and 
other public acts of that time. In the votes of the 
house of commons, assented to by the lords July IS, 
1642, we have the following ones: 

" Resolved, That an army shall be forthwith raised- 
for the safety of the king's person, the defence of both 
houses of parliament, and of those who have obeyed 
their order* and commands; and for the preservation i 
of the true religion, the laws, liberties, and peace of 
the kingdom. 

" Resolved, That the earl of Essex be named gen^'al^ 

" Resolved, That this house doth declare, that in 
this cause, for the safety of the king's person, and the 
defence of both houses of parliament, and of those who 
hai-e obeyed their orders and commands, &c. they will 
live and die with the earl of Essex." 

" And when: the speaker of the house of lordsac- 
quainted the earl of Essex, That that house had agreed' 
in the desires of the commons, and had approved of- 
his lordship to be general, the earl hereupon gave their 
lordships thanks ; professing his integrity and loyalty 
to the king to be as much as any, and that he woruld 
live and die with their lordships in this ca^8e^" 

• Short ftferaoriiils of ThoniiiB Lord Fairfax, p. 9i 
' Tarlidmenttry Hiitory, vol, XL p 




styled, by the same sort of meiii by way of 

And in the declaration of the grounds and 
which necessitated the parliament to take up defensive 
arms, in August following, speaking of what they had 
done with regard to the militia, the fleet, and Hull, it 
is added, " And how necessarj all this was to be done, 
the succeeding designs and practices upon them do all 
sufticiently manifest; and great cause hath the whole 
kingdom to bless God, who put it into the heads and 
hearts of the parliament to take care of these particu- 
lars : for were these pernicious persons about the king 
masters of ihem, how easy would it be for them to 
master the parliament, and master the kingdom P And 
what could we expect but ruin and destruction from 
Buch masters, who make the king revile and detest 
us and our actions f Such, who have embarked htm 
in so many designs to overthrow this parliament f 
Such, who have long thirsted to see religion and li- 
berty confounded together r — Afterwards they appeal 
to the world, whether it be not fit for them not only 
not to yield to what is required [with regard to the 
militia, &,c,], but also to make further provision for 
the preservation of themselves, and of those who sent 
them hither, and entrusted us, say they, with all they 
have, estates, liberty, and life, and that which is the 
life of their hves, their religion; and even for the safe^ 
of the king's person, now environed by those who 
carry him upon his own ruin, and the destruction of 
all his people; at least, to give them warning that 
all this is in danger; that if the king may force thia 
parliament, they may bid farewell to all parli; 
&om ever receiving good by them; and if parli 
be lost, they are lost, their laws are lost, as well those 
lately made as in former times; all which will be cut 
^ sunder with the same sword now drawn for the de- 

CJHAlltfeS I. 423' 

structlon of this parliament*." The reader will 

please to remember, that the commons had before 
passed the following votes: 

" Beso!ved, upon ihe question, 20th of May, 1648, 
1. That it appears that the king, seduced b^- wicked 
CDuntiel, intends to make war against the parliament: 
who, in all their cousultutions and actions, have pro- 
posed no other end to themselves but the care of his 
kingdoms, and the performance of all duty and loyaJty 
to his person. 

" 2. Resolved, That whensoever the king maketh 
war upon the parliament, it is a breach of the trust re- 
posed in him by his people, contrary to his oath, and 
tending to the dissolution of this government. 

" 3. Resolved, That whosoever shall serve or assist 
in such wars, are traitors by ihe fundamental laws of 
this kingdom; and have been so adjudged by two 
acts of parliament, aod ought to suffer at traitors; 
11 1 Hen, IV V 

If what is asserted by the parliament, in their own 
behalf, be true; if what the lords Holies and Fairfax, 
men of untainted honour and veracity, say, be fact; 
then was the war on the parliament's p:irt merely de- 
fensive, and undertaken from the most generous mo- 
tives. And it is very remarkable, that the parlia- 
ment's taking up arms against Charles 1. was justified 
by that very house of commons which restored his son 
Charles U. 

For " some exceptions being taken to some words 
spoken by Mr. Lenthail, a member of the house, in 
the debate of the bill of general pardon, to the effect 
following, viz. ' He that drew hia sword first against 
the king, committed as high an offence as he that 
cut off the king's head:' Mr. Lentball alaodiug up 

' Firliamentair Historjr, vol. XI. p,337. ' Rushworth) ToblT* 




in his place, explained himself, and withdrew. But i" 
was resolved he should be called "to the bar: and the 
Serjeant, with the mace, went to Mr. Lenthall, who 
was withdrawn into the speaker's chamber, and 
broughthim to the bar; where kneeling, Mr. speaker 
hid hiin rise, and after, according to the order of the 
house, gave him a sharp reprehension, to the e£Fect 
following: 'The house hath taken very great offence 
at someTi'ords you have let fall, upon debate of the 
business of the bill of indemnity; which, in the 
judgment of this house, hath as high a reflection on 
the justice and proceedings of the lords and commons 
iii'the last parliament, in their actings before the year 
l648, as could be expressed. They apprehend there 
is much poison in the wordsj and that they were 
spoken out of design to set this house on fire; ihey 
tending to render them that drew the sword to bring 
delinquents to condign punishment, and to vindicate 
their just liberties, into balance with them that cut off 
the king's head: of which act they express their ab- 
horrence and detestation, appealing to God, and their 
conscience bearing them witness, that they had no 
thought against his person, much less against his life. 
Therefore I am commanded to let you know, that had 
these words fallen out al any other time but in this 
parliament, or at any time in this present parliament 
but when they had considerations of mercy, pardon, 
and indemnity, you might have expected a sharpej: 
and severer sentence, than 1 am now to pronounce. 
But the disposition of his majesiy is to mercy : he hath 
invited his people to accept of it, and it is the dispo- 
sition of the body of this house to be healers of the 
breaches, and to hold forth mercy to men of all condi- 
tions, so far as may stand with justice, and thejusti-' 
fication of themselves before God and man. i am 
therefore commanded to let you know, that that being 
their disposition, and the present pubject of this day's 




emphasis, the Great RebeUioa: how justly, 
will mejxt our enquiry *'. 

debate being mercy, you shall therefore taste of mercy. 
Yet I am to give you a sharp reprehension, and I do 
as sharply aod severely as 1 can (tor so I am co>i(r 
tganded) reprehend you for il '." 

Noihiog cao be a stronger testimony to the justjco 
and necessity of the proceedings of the lords and coip- 
mons than this. 

"' It has been stiled the Great Rebellion ; how juftly, 
will loeril our enquiry.] Thjs is so generally known, 
that few proofs ai'e necessary. 

In Ifi42, we find Charles issued " a proclamation, for 
suppressing of the present rebellion, under the com- 
mand of Uobert earl of Essex." lu this proclamation, 
after reciting what had been done in pursuance of the 
votes on the militia, and the other votes mentjon^d ii} 
the two foregoing notes, he adds, " We do apw there- 
fore publish and declare, That the said publick and 
i^torious acts and actions of high treason, being a 
ilianifest levying of war against Ijjs natural liege, lord 
and king, expressly within the words and meaning of 
the statute made in the ^5th year of king Edward the 
Third, declaring the same, of which in law there nei- 
ilrer is, nor can be, any doubt "." This was the public 
language of his majesty. M'c are not to wonder then, 
that the ecclesiastics of his court copied after him, and 
treated his opponents in like style. ChillingvToi'iU 
liioiself, truly a great man. as he was, could not re&aiu. 
from it. Hear his words. — " To conie a little nearer to; 
theliusiuess of our times, the chief actors in tliis bloody. 
tragedy, which,is now upon the stagp, who h^ve robhed 

• Joiiroalof lte,IS(bd^y or>T»r> l6nQi apiid. Maiacu^'s Life of CIu^ 



It would be tedious, as well as useless, to 
enter into the parlicLilars of this war. Tliose 

our sovereign lord tlie king of his forts, towns, trea- 
sure, ammunition, houses, of the persons of many of 
his subjects, and (as much as Hes in them), of the 
hearts of all of them: is it credible, that they hnoir 
antl remember, and consider the example of David, 
recorded for their instruction^ whose heart smote 
him, when he had hut cut off ihe hem of Saul's gar- 
ment. They that make no scruple at all of fighting 
with his sacred majesty, and shooting muskets and ord- 
nance at him (which sure have not the skill to choose a 
subject from a king), to the extream hazard of his sa- 
cred person, whom, by all possible obligations, they . 
are bound to defend: do they know, think you, the 
general rule, without exception or limitatinn, left by 
the Holy Ghost for our direction in all such cases, 
' Who can lift up his hand against the lord's anointed, 
and be innocent?' Or do they consider his com- 
mand in tlie proverbs of Solomon, ' My son, fear God 
and the king, and meddle not with them that dfsire 
change?' Or his counsel in the book of Ecclesiastcs, 
' I counsel thee to keep the king's commandment, and 
that in regard of the oalh of God?' Or, because they 
may possibly pretend that they are exempted from, or 
unconcerned in, the commands of obedience delivered 
in the Old Testament, do ihey know and remember 
the precept given to all Chrisiians by St. Peter, ' Sub- 
mit yourselves to every ordinance of man, for the 
Lord's sake, whether it be to the king as supream, or 
unto governors, as unto them that are sent by himf' 
Or that terrible sanction of the same command, ' They 
that resist shall receive to themselves damnation,' left 
U^,by St. Taul in his Epistle to the Romans, who then 
were the miserable subjects of the worst king, the worst 



who would know tbeiii, may consult the 

man, nay, I think, I may add truly, the worst beast 
ia the worid; that so all rebels mouths might be stopt 
for ever, and left without all colour or pretence what- 
soever, to jiiaiifie resistance of sovereign poweri' Un- 
doubtedly, if they did know and consider, and lay cioae 
to their hearts, these places of scripture; or the tearful' 
judgment which befell Corah, Dathan, and Abiratn, fcff * 
this very sJn which they now commit, and with a high' ' 
hand still proceed in; it would be impossible but their - 
hearts would smite them, as David's did upon an in- 
finitely less occasion, and aiFright them out of thoBe"- 
ways of present confusion and eternal damnation'."- ■ * 

After the restoration of Charles II. in one of the" 
public oilices of devotion, this war is styled the Great* 
Rebellion; and in the parliament called by that prince' 
in 16GI, among m.iny other acts tending to advance 
the regal and ecclesiastical authority, we find one de- 
claring the sole right of the militia to be in the king: 
in the preamble to which, it is affirmed, that " both or 
either of the houses of parliament cannot, nor ought to 
pretend to the same; nor can nor lawfully may raise, 
or levy any war offensive or defensive against his ma- 
jesty, his heirs, or lawful successors'*." 

And in the act for the well governing and regulating 
of corporations, the following oath was ordained: 

" 1 A, B. do declare and believe, that it is not law- 
ful, upon any pretence whatsoever, to take arms against 
the king; and that 1 do abhor that traitorous position 
of taking arms by his authority against his peraon, or 
against those that are commissioned by him: so help 
me GodV So ready were these gentlemen to rivet ' 


428 THE UFE Of 

common historians. Suffice it here to say, 

chains on tlicmsdves mid tbe nation ! After this, no- 
thing was lieard of but the doctrine of passive obe- 
dience, and the damnable nature of resistance °, And 
the man who spoke any thing in the defence of the 
parliament, against Charles 1. was shrewdly suspected 
to be, in his heart, a rebel to his successor". 

But a time at length came, in which men's eyes 
were opened. James II. presuming that the nation 
had been Julled asleep by the declamations against re- 
sistance, attempted to perfect a scheme that his father 
and brother had failed in. He boldly acted contrary 
to the laws, and set at defiance the privileges of his 
people. He filled hereby with terror all orders and de- 
grees of men, and put them on taking measures for their 
own security. They now saw the necessity of resist- 
ance; they in fact practised it, and were not at aloss 
to defend it by arguments irresistible. Such altera- 
tions are there in the opinions of the same men! 

But to return. Notwithstanding all the assertions in 
these acts of parliament, and the declamations of eccle- 
siastics, there are those who insist on it that this wax 
cannot be deemed a rebellion. 

I. " Those who seek after truth," says Mr. Sidney, 
" *vill easily find, that there can be no sucli thing in 
the world, as the rebellion of a nation against its own 
magistrates, and that rebellion is not always evil. That 
this may appeaj, it will not be amiss to consider' the 
wcffd, as well as the thing understood by it, as it is 
used in,aja evil sense. The word is taken from the La>- 
lio rebellare, which signifies no more than to renew a 
war. When a town or province had been subdued by 
the Rbmaos, and brought under their dominion, if they 

* Ge&HbtDiy of Passive ObedisDw. ito. pi 9^) &' pasavk Aviindiinf 
ioSS. ''SeeTrjal of Stephen Colledgr, p. 31. fol. Lend. IfiSl, 




that the king erected his standard at Not- 

Tiolated their fakh after the settlemeDt of peace, and 
invaded their masters who had spared them, they were 
said to rebel. But it had been more absurd to apply * 
that word to the people that rose again?! the Decrm- 
viri, kings or other magistrates, than to the Parthians, 
or any of those nations who had no depeodance upon 
them; for all the circumstances that should make a 
rebellion were wanting, the word implying a snperio* 
rity in them against whom it is, as well as the breath 
of an established peace. But though every private 
man, singly taken, be subject to the commands of the 
magistrate, the whole body of the people is not so; 
for he is by and for the people, and the people is neither 
by nor for him. The obedience due to him from pri- 
vate men, is gronnded upon and measured by the ge- 
neral law; and that law, regarding the welfare of the 
people, camiot set up the interest of one or a few men 
against the pnblick. The whole body, therefore, of a 
nation cannot be tied to any other obedience than is 
consistent with the common good, according to their 
own judgment: and having never been subdued, or 
bipdgtit to terms of peace with their magistrates, they 
cannot be said to revolt or rebel against them, to 
whotn they owe no more than seems good to them- 
selves, and who are nothing of or by themselves, more 
thau other men "." 

^. It is asserted, " That whosoever takes up arms to 
maintain the politick constitution or government of his 
country in the condition it then is, I mean, to defend it 
from being changed or invaded by the craft or totcC of 
aaymati (although it be in the prince or chief ma- 
gistrate himself), provided that such taking up of t 
be commanded or authorized by those who »Ee, by the 

■ Siimr of Government, p. 413. foL Loud. 1698. 




tingham, with little encouragement, on the 

orders of llial goverument, legally intnialetl with the 
ctMtody of the liberty of the people, and fouDdation of 
t ihe governoteot; this I hold to be so far from rebel- 
Uon, tbat I believe it laudable, nay, the duty of every 
member of such commonwealth : for he who fights to 
support and defend the government he was born and 
lives under, cannot deserve the odious name of rebel, 
but he who endeavours to destroy it. If this be not 
granted, it will be in vain to frame any mi^ed ino- 
iiaichies in the world — wherein the prince hath his 
share, and the people their's; which last, if they had 
no means of recovering their rights, if taken from 
them, or defending tbem, if invaded, would be in the 
same estate as if they had no title to them, but lived 
under the empire of Turkey, or of Muscovy. And since 
they have no other remedy but by arms, and that it 
would be of ill consequence to make every private man 
judge when the rights of the people (to which they 
have as lawful a claim as the prince to his) are invaded, 
which would be apt to produce frequent and some- 
times causeless tumults; therefore it bath been ihe 
great wisdom of the founders of such mouarchiea to 
appoint guardians to their liberty, which, if it be not 
otherwise expressed, is and ought to be understood to 
reside in the estates of the country; which, for that 
reason (as also to esercisfe their share in the sovereign- 
ty, as making laws, levying monies), are frequently 
assembled. — These are to assert and maintain the or- 
ders of the government, and the laws established, 
and (if it cannot be done otherwise) to arm the 
peopfe, and to defend and repel the force that is npon 

APasBagsomittfd oul ofMai'liiavcrs Letter in Vinclicalion of himself, 
■nd Writia^, at ttiB end of Barloit's Cai^ of CcnuKience, p. 39. Svo. 



twenty-fifth day of August, one thousand 
six hundred and forty -two; and that the 

3. It is said, " There is doubtless a true distinction to 
be made between a rebellion and a civit war: the first 
is notorious, when subjects take up arms against lawful 
governors, lawfully governing; but where a prince 
violates the established laws of the nation, raises taxeg ■ 
by his own authority, contrary to the known rules of 
the constitution, invades the liberties of his subjects by 
illegal imprisontnents, unjust prosecutions, and other 
grievous oppressions, and persists in such arbitrary acts 
of government for a course of years ; if a people can' 
find no other means to preserve their niost valuable in- 
terests, Dtit by having recourse to the last remedy, and 
shall take up arms to compel such a prince to restore 
their rights, and reform his ill govertraient; 'tis evi- 
dent, from the histories uf the civil wars of France, 
and other countries, that grave and impartial historians 
have not thought fit to treat this way of opposing the 
unlawful usurpation of princes with the odious name of 
rebellion ; and 'tis observed, that our parliaments have 
had the cautionj that in the acta passed after the restor- 
ation, in relation to the preceding war between the 
king and parliament, they would never give it the 
name of a rebellion ; doubtless out of the consideration 
that it behoved them to keep up the sanction of the 
parliamentary authority ; and that that wai" was autho- 
rized by a legal pai'liameai, who had right to vindicate 
the liberty of the nation. 

"The names of reproach, which passed in these 
times, were Cavalier fop Aose who sided with th^king, 
and Roundheads for such as look part with tbe-'parlia- 
ment : now if the intention of the latter were no other 
than to bring the evil counsellors to condign punish- 
ment, to prevail with the king to comply in a just set- 

4S(i THE LIFE 01^ 

pafliament raised an army, and constituted 
Robert Devereux, earl of Essex, their com* 

tiement of their civil and MKgious liberties, and then 
to restore him to the rdgal state, under snch limitations 
as might secure them from any future invasions of 
their rights and privileges (and this, I believe, was tlte 
general design 9f those that took up arms at first), I see 
tio reason why those Roundheads should lie girder an 
harder censure for what they acted at that time, than 
inay be imputed to ourselves for what we have done iii 
file late happy revolution, for the rescuing our laws 
Ittfd religion from the violations of the late king 
James V ^t 

4. Mr. Locke observes, '^ That whosoever uses force 
witholit right, as every one does in sociiety, Ivhfo does 
it Without law, puts himself into a state of war with 
those against whom he so uses it; and in th&t ^hit^ all 
former ties are cancelled, all other rights ce^, and 
cftery one has a right to defend himself, and to resist 
the aggressor . Here, 'tis like, the cbmmon ques- 
tion will be made, who shall be judge whether the 
prince or legislative act contrary to their trust ? This, 
perhaps, ill-affected and factious men may spread 
amongst the people, when the prince only makes use of 
his due prerogative. To this I reply, the people shall 
be judge: for who shall be judge whether his trustee 
or deputy acts well, and according to the trust reposed 
in him, but he who deputes him, and must, by having 
deputed him, have a power to discard him when he 
fails in his trust? If this be reasonable in particular 
eises of private men, why sHotlld it be otherwise ill 
that oTthe greatest mt)ment, where the welfare of mil- 

* Twfiid PD both Sides, p. 7. 8 vo. Lond. 1710. . ^ Locke on Govcramenty 
p. 297. 




CHARLES I. ' '433 

mander in chief. However, it must not 
tiere be omitted, that thouah the war, in 

ind also where the evil, if not pre- 
vented, is greater, and the redress very diiRcnlt, dear, 
and dangerous ? 

" But farther, this question (who shall be judge?) 
cannot mean that there is no judge at all. For where 
there is no judicature upon earth, to decide controver- 
sies amongst men, God in heaven is judge. He alone, 
'tis true, is judge of the right ; but every man is judge 
for himself, as in all other cases, so in this, whether 
another hath put himself into a state of war with him, 
and whether he sliould appeal to the supream Judge, aa 
Jephtha did. If a controversy arise between a prince 
and some of his people, in a matter where the law is 
silent or doubtful, and the thing be of great conse- 
quence, I should think the proper umpire, in such a 
case, sliould be the body of the people. For in casei 
where the prince hath a trust reposed in him, and is 
dispensed from the common ordinary rules of the law; 
there, if any men find themselves aggrieved, and thinks' 
the prince acts contrary to or beyond that trust, who 
so proper to judge as the body of the people (who at 
first lodged that tnist in him) how far they meant it 
should extend f But if the prince, or whoever they be 
in the ladministration, decline that way of determina- 
tion, the appeal then lies no where but to Heaven. 
Force between either persons, who have no known 
superior upon earth, or which permits no appeal lo a 
judge on earth, being properly a state of war, wherein 
the appeal .lies only to Heaven ; and in state the 
injured party must judge for himself, whi'ii he will 
think fit to make use of that appeal, and put himself 
upon it"." 


the beginning, was carried on with various 
, success on both sides, yet, for the most part, 

5. Mr. Watson takes notice, " That the parliament 
F of England were always more wise and good, than to 
Traise armies against the kings who gave them no occa- 
fsion to do so ; and I cannot," says he, "but entertain this 
V-liiTourable opinion of that which began to sit in 1640. 
rThere ia nothing more true than that the king wanted 
Wto govern by an arbitrary power: his whole actions 
'shewed it, and he could never be brought to depart 
from this: either therefore his people must have sub- 
mitted to the slavery, or they must have vindicated 
their freedom openly ; there was no middle way. But 
^hould they have tamely received the yoke f No, surely ; 
lor had ihey done so, they had deserved the worst of 
evils; and the bitter effects thereof, in all probability, 
bad not only been derived to us but our posterity. 
Happy Britons, that such ajust and noble stand was 
made ! May the memories of those great patriots that 
. were concerned in it, be ever dear to Englishmen ; and 

Ball true Englishmen they will^," 
^^ These are the political considerations which are 
urged to manifest how improperly and absurdly this 
war is styled the Great Rebellion, even by men who ap- 
plaud the revolution, and justify the force made use of 
I to accomplish it. Well, therefore, might a very ingeni< 
writer say, " Strange! that the English nation, 
Bbo glory in their constitution as a limited monarchy, 
tio have always been extreamly jealous of any in- 
joachments on it, and who dethroned by force of arms 
hd banished the son, for less breaches of tbeconstitu- 
[ tioii than were made by this unhappy father; should 
• jet stigmatize that just war, of the parliament with 

• Apologr of the Rev. John Watson, for bis Conduct oo the 30tii Jm, 
p. 36. Lond. 1756. Bto. 


the advantage fell to the king'". This 

Charles I. with the odious name of a rebellion ; a war, 
by which alone their expiring liberties were preserved, 
and their beloved constitution snatched from the cruel 
arai of oppressive and arbitrary power"." 

I have taken no notice of tlie objections urged from 
scripture by Chilling worth, and others. Those who 
would see their weakness, may consult Hoadly's Mea- 
sures of Submission, and his other pieces in defence of 
the doctrine contained therein. The following quota- 
tion from May, will shew the reader at once that they 
affect not tlie case in hand. " That frequent naming 
of religion, as if it were the only quarrel, bath caused a 
great mistake of the question i n some, by reason of ig- 
norance, in others of subtlety; whilst they wilfully mis- 
talce, to abuse the parliament's case, as, instead of 
disputing whether the parliament of England lawfully 
assembled, where the king virtually is, may by arms 
defend the religion established by the same power, to- 
gether with the laws and liberties of the nation, against 
delinquents, detaining with them the king's seduced 
person, they make it the question, whether subjects, 
taken in a general notion, may make war against their 
king for religion's sake"." 

'" For the most part the advantage fell to the king.] 
A few extracts from May will fully prove this, and at 
the same time give entertainment to the reader of taste 
and reflection. — "At the famous battle of Edghill," 
says he, " the great cause of English liberty (with a vast 
expence of blood and treasure) was tried, but not de- 
cided; which did therefore prove unhappy, even to 
that side which seemed victorious, the parliament 
army. For tbo' the king's forces were much brokee 

■ Essay toward? attsiniog a tviii !i)ea of tin: Character of Churlea I. 
p. 151. ►HisWtraftheParll*nient,p. lia. 

pf e 




(and the low state of the parliament's affairs', 

by it, yet his strength grew arcidentally greater and 
more formidable than before; to whom it proved a 
kind of victory, not to be easily or toially overthrown. 
For the greatest gentlemen of divers counties began 
then to consider of the king, as one that in possibility 
might prove a conqueroor agiiiiist the parliament; and 
many of them, who before as neuters had stood at 
gaze, in hope that one quick blow might clearc the 
doubt, and save them the danger of declaring ihem- 
Bclves, came now in, and readily adhered to that side, 
where there seemed to be least fears, and greatest hopes, 
wliich was the king's party ; tor on the parliament's 
side the encourngements were only publicke, and no- 
thing promised but the sure enjoyment of their native 
liberty; no particular honours, prefennents, or estates 
■of enemies: and, on the other side, no such total ruin 
could be threatened from a victorious parliament, being 
a body as it were of themselves, as from an incensed 
prince, and such hungry followers as usually go along 
with princes in those ways. And how much private 
interest will oversway publicke notioqs, books of his- 
tory, rather ihan philosophy, will truly info nn you; 
for, concerning human actions and dispositions, there 
is nothing under the sunne which is absolutely new'." 
jaking afterwards of the takingof Reading by lord 
:, and the discontents of the soldiers for want of 
lay, he adds, "Then began a tide of misfortune to flow 
in upon the parliament side, and their strength almost 
in every place to decrease at one time; for during the 
time of these six months, since the battle of Keynton, 
until this present distress of the lord general's army 
about Causum, which was about the beginning of May, 
the warre had gone on with great fury and heat, almost 

•May's History of the Parliflmf iit.booli Ill.p 29. 


occasioned by' ill success, desertions, and 
divisions among themselves), as it caused 

ihorow every part of England — The lord general had 
at that time intelligenoe that Sir Ralph Hopton had 
given a very great defeat to the parliament forces of 
Devonshire, and that prince Maurice and marquessft 
Hartford were designed that way, to possess themselves ■ ' 
wholly of the West'." — I wilt add hut one passage ■ 
more from this writer. — " Indeed," says he, "the par- 
liament was then in a low ebbe ; and before the end of 
that July 1643, they had no forces at all to keep the 
field ; their maine armies (aa is before touched) being 
quite ruined, and no hope in appearance left, but to 
preserve a while those forts and towns which they then 
possessed ; nor could they long hope to preserve them, 
nnlesse the fortune of the field should change. Thus 
seemed the parliament to he quite sunk beyond any 
hope of recovery, and was so believed by many men. 
The king was possessed of all the wcstcrne counties, 
from the furthest part of Cornwall, and from thence 
northward as far as the borders of Scotland. His ar- 
mies were full and flourishing, free to march whither 
they pleased, and enough to be divided for several ex- 
ploits : one part was sent to take in Exeter, where the 
earl of Stamford was shut up, not able longer to hold 
the place. The king in person, with a gallant army, 
designed his march towai'ds Gloucester, the only con- 
siderable town in those parts wliieh the parliament 
heldV — Mr. Whitlock agrees with May in his ac- 
count of the weakness of the parliament about tliis 
time'. Sucbanuncxpecled run of success had Charles . 
in the beginning ! For who could have thought that a -, 
prince, who had acted the pait he had done, couM 

', May's HiMory of the parliament, bwk IIJ. p. 39. 'i 

I Wtutlpck's Memorials, p. 13. 


his majesty to speak in a high tone ' 



make bead, by meaDs of tbe people, against tbeir nwn 
representatives, whom they had highly esteemed, and 
looked on as tbelr aaviouTS? But tbe aobility, whose 
interest 18 closely connected with the crown ; the pre- 
lates and their dependants, whose power and wealth 
were cut short bj the parliament; and some eupersti- 
tious notions with regard to the aiuhoriiy of kings and 
priests; these things, I say, with ihe divisions among 
the leading men in the houses, and the great contribu- 
tions they raised on ihcir party, alienated many from 
them, and from the cause of public liberty they bad 
engaged in. 

^' His advantages caused bim to speak in a high 
tone.] Prosperity is a dangerous state to most. Few 
have wisdom enough to behave in it with moderation, 
decency, and a regard to futurity. It excites generally 
a foolish elation of heart, which produces woes innu- 
merable. Such an effect it bad on Charles, who hardly 
knew how to hear the good fortune which is mention- 
ed in the preceding note. On tbe e4th of June, l643, 
when all things went well with his majesty, the lord 
Say and Sele acquainted the lords, that be bad received 
a letter from the king, in which was inclosed a procla- 
mation from his majesty, which was read. In this pro- 
clamatior., after mentioning every thing doneby tbe par- 
liament, since bis leaving Westminster, in the most 
reproachful terms, he says, " Tis time now to let our 
good subjects know, that they may no longer look upon 
the votes and actions of tbe perscms now remaining, 
as upon our two houses of parliament; freedom and 
liberty to be present, and of opinion and debate there, 
being essential to a parliament; which freedom and 
liberty all men must confess to be taken away from this 
assembly: — that at this time we and the major part 
of both houses aie kept, by a strong and rebellious 


them, and his subjects in general, so it also 

wmy, from being present at that council; and that 
those who are present are, by the same army, awed and 
forced to take unlawful and treasonable protestations 
lo engage their votes: and that such resolutions and 
directions, which concern the property and liberty of 
^e subjects, are transacted and concluded by a t«w 
persons, (under the name of a close committee, consist- 
ing of the earl of Manchester, the lord Say, Mr. Pym, 
Mr. Hampden, Mr. Stroud, Mr, Martyn, and others, 
the whole number not exceeding the number of seven- 
teen persons) without reporting the same to the houses, 
contrary to the express law and customs of parliament. 
" All these, for tlie matter of fact, we are ready to 
make proof of, and desire nothing but to bring the 
contrivers of all the aforesaid mischiefs to their tryal 
by law; and till that be submitted to, we must pursue 
them by arms, or any other way, in which our good 
subjects ought to give us assistance to that purpose. — 
And that all the world may see how willing and desir- 
ous we are to forget all the injuries and indignities 
offered to us, by such as have been misled through 
weakness or fear, or who have not been the principal 
contrivers of the present miseries ; we do offer a free 
and general pardon to all the members of cither house, 
(except Robert earl of Essex, Robert earl of Warwiek, 
Edward earl of Manchester, Henry earl of Stamford, 
William viscount Say and SeJe, Sir John Hotham, 
knight and baronet. Sir Arthur Haselrig, bart. Sir 
Henry Ludlow, Sir Edward Hungerford, andSir Francis 
Popham, knights; Nathaniel Fiennes,John Hampden, 
John Pym, William Stroud, Henry Martyn, and Alex- 
ander Popham, esquires ; Isaac Pennington, alderman 
of London, and captain Ven ; who, being the principal 
authors of these present calamities, have sacrifi'" 
peace aai prosperity of their country to 


occasioned uneasiness in his friends'' 



pride, malice, and ambition ; and against whom ne 
sball proceed, as against persons guilty of bigb treason 
by the known laws of the land; and shall, in the pro- 
ceeding, be most careful to preserve to ihein all privi- 
. leges in the fullest manner that, by tbe law or usage of 
former times, is due to them) if they shall, witbiu ten 
r^ays after the publishing this our piociamation, return 
J their duty and allegiance to us. 
" And, lastly, we further command and enjoin all 
lubjects, upon their allegiance to ils, as they will 
inswer the contrary to Almighty God, and as they 
iflesire that they and their posterity should be freed 
Q the foul taint of high treason, and as they tender 
the peace of this kingdom, that they presume not to 
[' ^iveany assistance to the before mentioned rebellious 
armies in their persons or estates, in any sort whatso- 
ever; but join with us, according to their duty and the 
laws of the land, to suppress this horrid rebellion. 

" And our pleasure and command is, that this our 
{)roclamalion be read in all churches and chapels 
' "jffitlj'i this our kingdom '." 

Such was the haughty tone in which Charles spoke, 

when successful; a tone which indicated very clearly 

|iis sentiments, and shewed his adversaries wh&t they 

tad to trust to. Whether hi this he acted a politic 

h-Kirt, the reader will determine. 

'* The advantages gained by Charles, occasioned un-" 
easiness in his friends.] Among those noblemen and 
gentlemen that adhered to the royal cause, there were 
many true patriots, who wished for nothing more than 
a peace on a good foundation; i. e. a peace whereby 
the rights of the crown, and the liberties of die sab- 
, jeer, might both be preserved and secured for tbe ' 

* PailianicQtary Hiitory, ToL Xll. p. 303— 31B, 


of them who had the interest of their 

future. They no more wished to see the parliament 
crashed by the king, than the king by the parliament, 
and therefore weie uneasy when his majesty seemed to 
be in a situation to give the law to them at his 
pleasure^ — The following passages in the carl of Sunder- 
luid's letters, who lost his life in the battle of New- 
bury, fighting for Charles, will give the reader some 
light into the sentiments of part of those who zealously 
adheted to liim. In a letter to his lady, dated Shrews- 
bucy, Sept. 21, 1G42, we have the following account. 
•*' My dearest lieart, 
" The king's condition is much improved of late: 
his force increaseth daily, which incrtaseth the inso- 
leucy of tiie papists. How much I am utisatisticd with 
the proceedings here, I have at large expressed in 
several letters. Neither is there wanting' daily, hand- 
some occasion to rMire, were it not for grinning 
honour. For let occasion be never so handsome, un- 
less a man were resolved to fight on the parliament side^ 
which, for my part, I had rather be hanged, it will be 
said without doubt, that a man is afraid to fight. If 
there could be an expedient found to salve the puncti- 
lio of honour, I would not continue here an hour. 
The discontent that I and other honest men receive 
daily, is beyond expression. People are much di7 
. vided : the king is of late very much averse to peace, 
by the perswasions of 202 and III. It is likewise coa- 
eeived, that the king has taken a resolution not to do 
any thing in that way before the queen comes; for 
people advising the king to agree with the parliament, 
was the occasion of the queen's return. Till that timej 
no advice will be received; nevertheless, the honest 
men will take all occasions to procure an acfimmoda- 
{ion; which the king, when, ^ 


' «ountr;f at heart), and caused them to presS" 

did heartily desire; and uoutd still make offers in that 
way, but for 202, 111, sad the expectation of the 
queen, and the fciir of the papists, who threaten 
people of 342: I fear 243 [papists] threats have a 
much greater inilueDce upon 83 [king] than upon 343. 
What the king's intensions are, to those that I con- 
verse with, are aitogelher unknowne: soroe say be 
[ vill hazard a battle very quickly ; others say he thinks 
' cf wintering; which as it is suspected, so it' it was 
^generally believed, 1 1" [Sunderland] and many oAers 
would make no scruple to retire; for 1 think it as ttirr 
from gallant either to starve with the king, or to do 
worse; as, to avoid fighting'." 

In another letter to her, written soon after, he says, 
* If the king, or rather 243 [papists] prevail, we are in 
a sad condition; for they will be insupportable to all, 
tot most to us who have opposed them ; so that if the 
VDg prevails by force, I must not live at home, which 

' k grievous to me, but more to you ; but it' , I ap- 

I prebend 1 shall not he sullered to live in England : and 

, I cannot fancy any way to avoid both; for the 

Liung is so awed by £43 [papists], that he dares not 

ropose peace, or accept; I feat though, by his last 

I aiessage, lie is engaged. But if that be offerred by the 

I parliament, I and others will speak their opinion, 

> though by that, concerning the treaty, were threatned 

f 243 [papists], who caused 9!) to be commanded by. 

I king, npon his allegiance to returne against his 

", he being too powerful for i02, 111, and by whom 

Ingland is now likely to be governed. — I hear HO 

jcicester] has refused to shew his instroctions to the 

parliament, without the king's leave, which resolution 

SIdner'i State Fapen, vol. 11. p. 6 


him more to peace, than was agreeable to 
his own inclinations. 

hope he will not alter, lest it should be prejudicial to 
him; for the king is in so good a condition at this 
time, that if the parliament would restore ah his right, 
unless the parliament will deliver up to a legal trial aH 

those persons named in his long , and some others, 

he will not hearken to peaeeV 

These lellers, written by so eminently loyal a person, 
will, I believe, easily induce the reader lo believe the 
truth of lord Holland's and Sir Edward Bering's 
declarations of their motives for returning to the par- 
liament, viz. the pievalengy of the popiirh party with 
the king, which had brought about a cessation with 
the Irish rtbels, and threaltned the protestant religion 
in England '' : though lord Clarendon, without denying 
the fact, censures lord Holland for publishing his 
declaration, " as an act very misuitable to his honour, 
or his own generous nature; and an action contrary to 

his own natural discretion and generosity'." Lord 

Sunderland, in his first letter, observes, that " the 
honest men will take all occasions to procure an ac- 
commodation." Of this number was the excellent 
lord Falkland, secretary of state to Charles, who lost 
his life in the same battle with Sunderland. " In the 
morning of the fight," says \^ hillock, " he called for 
a clean shirt, and being asked the reason of it, answer- 
ed, that if he were slain in the battle, they should not 
find his body in foul linnen. Being disswaded by his 
friends to go into the fight, as having no call to it, and 
being no military officer, he said he was weary of the 
times, and foresaw much misery to his own country, 
and did believe he should be out of it ere night, and 

* Sidney's State Papeia, vol. 11. p. 668. 
p. 3», 384. ' ClveodMi, vol. ill. p. 3$ 


But the prosperity of Charles being of no 

could not be persuaded to the contrary, but would 
f^nter into the battle, qnd was there slain*." The 
misery he had in view could not be from the parlia- 
ment; for theij: affairs were far enough from being in a 
ipondition to gjve terror, though the siege of Glou- 
cester was raised by the ability and courage of Essex. 
And Charles himself, in a letter to his ^queen, dated 
Oxford, Dec. 1644, tells her, "thiat ^11, even his 
party, were strangely impatient for peace**.*' Anji 
in another letter, dated Oxford, Dec. 15, 1644, Q. S. 
we have the following passage. " I confess in some 
respects thou ha§t reason to bid me beware of going 
too soon to London; for, indeed, sonie ^ong^t u§ 
had a greater mind that way than was fit: of whicl^L 
perswasion Percy is one of the chief, who is shortly 
Jike to see thee; of whom having said this, is jenougl^ 
to show thee how he is to be trussed, or believed by 
thee, concerning our proceedings here*^." And ia p. 
letter to her, in the March following, he writes tUw 
from the same place :. " What I told thee las^ w€^l(^ 
concerning a good parting with our lords and comi 
here, was on Monday last handsomely performed : 
P9W if 1 do any thing unhandsome or disa4yantagi%i)||i 
ta myself or friends, in order to a treaty, it ijfyi'b^ 
meerly my own fault. For I confess, when I wrote 
last, I was in fear to be pressed to m^ke some mean 
overtures to renew the treaty, knowing that there wer<5 
great labourings to that purpose "*." 

Whoever will compare and consider the severa^l 
jhings recited in this note, will probably be convinced 
that his majesty designed totally to subdue his oppq- 
pents, or, at least to bring them to such term^ as 

* Whitlock, p. 73, and Clarendon, ▼ol. III. p. 358. ^ Km^ 

Charles's Works, p. U3, f Id. p. 148. Md. p. 15a 

CHAHLES t.' i43 

Ion? continuance, he lowered his note" 

might reader them for ever incapable of oppoaing hia 
measures. This seems to have been liis intention; thft 
apprehension of which induced the honest men of his 
party to press him, in the manner they did, to come to 
a peace, that bo the people might be free, and he aod 
themselves secure. 

" The prosperity of Charles being of no long con- 
tinuance, he lowered his note, Ecc.] The events of the 
war need not liere be particularised. All that is neces- 
lary is to observe, that, after tl»e siege of Gloucester, 
things for the most partwent hut ill on the king's side; 
though sometimes he obtained advantages over his 
adversaries. Hut the loss of the battle of Naseby, 
June 14, lC45, entirely turned the balance against his 
majesty, and left him in a weak condition. " It hath 
pleased God," says he, in a letter to the marqnis of 
Oimond, dated Cardiffe, July 31, 1645, " by many 
successive misfortunes, to reduce my affairs of late 
froin a very prosperous condition to so low an ebb, as 
to be a perfect trial of all men's integrity to me''." 

■And in a letter of the same date to prince Kupert, he 
has the following expression: " I confess, speaking 
eidieras ameer soldier or statesman, I must say there 
is ne i>rohabil ily but of my ruin ^" Charles, however, 
made some efforts still in the field ; but they were weak 
and ineffectual. He had nothing now to do but to 
enter into a negotiation for peace with the parliament: 
and this he did in a manner different from wiiat he 
was wont. Formerly he would not allow the title -of 
parliament to the two houses, but, in his messaged 
rftyletl them the lords and commons *&f parliiri 
assembled at Westminster; but he now, wtthot 
scruple, addressed them as " the lords and commc 

' Parliammtary HwlwT, tdI, XTV. p. 93. ' [J. 




some * 

_ deigned to treat his parliament with some 

I assembled in the parliament of England at West- 
on stcr '." 
His alteralion of style was as remarkable as his 
of address. Having, by a message of Dec. 5, 
\ iS4i5, desired a safe-conduct for some commissioners 
itotveat in his name concerning peace, and receiving 
I'Dot an immediate answer, he, on the 15lh, renewed 
Fbis application in the following words: 

" For the speaker of the house of peers pro tempore. 

3, B. 

" His majesty cannot but extieamiy wonder, that 
after so many expressions on your part of a deep and 
seeming sense of the miseries of this afflicted kingdom, 
and of the dangers incident to his person during the 
continuance of this unnatural war, your many great 
and so often repeated protestations, that the raising 
these arms hath been only for the necessary defence of 
God's true religion, his majestie's honour, safety, and 
prosperity, the peace, comfort, and security of his 
people ; you should delay a safe-conduct to the persons 
mentioned in his majestie's message of the 5t\i of (Jiis 
instant December, which are to be sent unto you if ith 
propositions for a well-grounded peace : a thing so far 
from having been at any time denied by his majesiy, 
whensoever you have desired the same, that he believes 
it hath been seldom (if ever) practised among the 
most avowed and professed enemies, much less from 
subjects to their king. But his majesiy is resolved, 
tt^t no discouragements whatsoever shall make him 
fl^^of his part, in doing his uttermost endeavours to 
{fat an end to tht^e calamities, which, if not in time 
prevented, must prove the ruin of this unhappy nation : 
and thecefure doth once again desire, that a safe-coa- 

Psrliamentary Uiitor)', vuL XIV. p. !43. 

degree of respect, and solicited them again 

duct may be forthwith sent for those persons expressed 
in his former message; aad doth therefore conjure 
you, as you will answer to Almighty God, in that 
day when he shall make inquisition for all the blood 
that hath and may yet be spilt in this unnatural war, as 
you tender the preservation and establishment of the 
trueieKgion, by all the bonds of duty and allegiance 
Co your Icing, or compassion to your bleeding &ud un- 
happy country, and of charity to yourselves, that you 
dispose your hearts to a true sense, and imploy all 
your faculties in a more serious endeavour, together 
with his majesty, to set a speedy end to these wasting 
divisions; and then lie shall not doubt but that God 
will again give the blessing of peace to this distracted 

No Bafe-eoeduct being produced by this, the king, 
on the 26th of the same month, sent a message to 
both houses with propositions, wherein he desired a. 
personal treaty with them at Westminster; and, as a 
preliminary, offered to settle the militia, for a certain 
time, in such hands as he thought would be unr 
exceptionable. — In answer to these messages, the 
houses plainly told him, that " they finding that former 
treaties have been made use of for other ends, under the 
pretence of peace, and have proved dilatory and un- 
successful, cannot give way to a safe-conduct, accord- 
ing to your majestie's desire: but both houses of the 
parliament of England, having now under their con- 
sideration propositions and bills for the settling of a safe 
and well-grounded peace, which are speedily to be 
communicated to the commissioners of the I "i of 

Scotland, to resolve, after mutual agreer 
kingdoms, lo present them with all spi 

■ Kinj Chacln'i Vforta, p. SIB. 

448 THE LIFE 6F 

and again for peace. But his expectations 

majesty*." — Notwithstanding this, on the 29tb, be 
returned what follows : 

" Although the message s^nt by Sir Peter Kille- 
grew may justly require an expostulatory answer, yet 
his majesty layes that aside, as not so proper for his 
present endeavours; leaving all the world to. Trudge, 
whether his proposition for a personal treaty, or the 
flat denial of a safe-conduct for persons to begin a 
treaty, be greater signs of a real intention to peace; 
and shall now only insist upon his former message of 
ibe 26th of this December, that upon his repair to 
Westminster, he doubts not but so to join his en* 
deavours with his two houses of parliament, as to give 
just satisfaction, not only concerning the business of 
Ireland, but also for the settling of a way for the pay- 
ment of the publick debts, as well to the Scots and the 
city of London as others. And as already he hath 
shewn a fair way for the settling of the militia, so he 
shall carefiilly endeavodr, in all other particulars, that 
none shall have cause to complain for want of security/ 
whereby just jealousies may arise, to hinder the con- 
tinuance of the desired peace. And certainly this pro- 
position of a personal treaty could never have entered 
into his majesty's thoughts, if he had not resolved to 
make apparent to the world, that the publick good and 
peace of this kingdom is far dearer to him, than the 
respect of any particular interest. Wherefore none can 
oppose this motion, without a manifest demonstratioQ 
that he particularly envies fate'inajesty should be the 
chief author in so blessed a weilry -besides the declaring^ 
himself a direct opposer of the happy peace of these 
;^ To conclude, whosoeyar will mot -be ashamed 


not being answered, and his misfortunes 
increasing, he threw himself into the hands 
of the Scots, who, as it is well known, de- 
parting into their country, left him, with 
the commissioners appointed by the parlia- 
ment to receive him, at Holdenby. From 

that liis fair and specious prutestations should be 
brought to a true and publick test, and those who have 
a real seuse, and do truly commiserate the miseries of 
their bleediug country, let them speedily and chearfully 
embrace bis majestie's proposition for his personal 
treaty at Westminster, which, by the blessing of God, 
will undoubtedly, to these now distracted kingdoms, 
restore the happiness of a long wished-for and lasting 

I will only add a passage or two more from bis 
message to both houses from Southwell, May 18, 1646. 
— " His majesty, being certainly informed that the 
armies were marching so feat up to Oxford, as made 
that no fit place for treating, did resolve to withdraw , 
himself hither, only to secure his own person, aod ' 
with DO intention to continue this war any longer, or 
to make any division between his two kingdoms; but 
to give such contentment to both, as by the blessing of 
God, he might see a happy and well-grounded peace, 
thereby to bring prosperity to these kingdoms, answer- 
able to the best times of his progenitors," — After this 
follow some propositions concerning religion, the 
militia, Scotland, and Ireland; and tlien it is added, 
" If these be not satisfactory, his majesty then desires, 
that all sucli of the propositions as are already agreed 
upon by both kingdoms, may be speedily sent unto 
him; his miyestjf,, twUB|^|lri|^ c°°>p'y wiih bis 


.- -i-:' 



TtlE *li^4^iE O^ 

heirtce^he \ras -tkk^til^y Joyce, and ^bt iiitb 
the *pbAVer '6Pihe ai^triy . 

titoed, 'iit^rthsfdhafttg, Vith hitn; -fettia^ci 

liiigMt have Ma 'i^asOti^me ^gotld ^tdfths^% 
hfs cbnditidh 'considerefl, ^frdfei'the Srmfy Or 


<6f his 'Sdbjef(5ts,"atid%r itte t^owittg'of 'all trhhappy 
y'lffferetifesii^ich Have^rbiJticea sorYhaWy'sftid eBfects'V 
^oW *df fifevetif is this fWtoi" live langniagie' faadeuie df m 
tlie tt6te *?1 ! 'ttow calcxllat6tl 'to inSpffe tnist and 
cfo'Sfidehce, ' as^vell as' to* too ve^wrt^dwion ! Had- the 
,4:lTtg talked!' Wftiistodtinei^ftftoerty,«^ aciiord- 

=tftgfy/'he'mr^fttiia?vebig^ alcirfgJhd^ed: badfcecota- 
■i)l?edvitti ttfe*l[J&i!iaM'etit ih i^^eiy Ihlttg that ^as for 
the happiness of his subjects, he might have avoWefd 
^aU hls'faiBfotttift^s. ^But-hei^sWvfedon Ihis too fete, 
U"ftidee!d 1ie'sin6^6!/i'^so!vdd «t, ^aM Hieteby tost' the 
•li&efit ' of 'Ws ^j^od 'Wtt^Atiofes. 'For ^Taieii's • vo*ws fa 
•JfiflatoUy '^ kittle r^aMfed; it 'beiiig* cofetWiuapy '*t 
i^ TdrAt ifedSon to ''iri&ke tHtm, ^'AH^ as t?astdttlary *\rhen' siet 
*it^edlIe''to bi-cdk tbtrn. ^Store eipeeirfiy, ^t*h^n^»ieii 
*^eViiitwn to be' not oV^i^Mjodk^ ^^irti »^n^^rity, th«y 
'dtfnnit, 't*fth 'reasfon, »kt ^ tfttfthan k(yfir,^*e«p^t imin«. 
'di^tely to! be'riH^' on. -P6r'*be ffifi^res&idnsr^ttafde ^Wti 
VBe liiit/di'6f i;Tp«i*!iltoh %y Ji'teftg co-at s0^<)f tfiteti^ 
*Aj&f Airily ^^a^M. Tllile,>fi!tk} ^^iff^n tf 'coiida^st, atoUe 
i!in ^o'it;-~*-Ha^^V^, Ibis^ beliatte^r of ehai?tefl,'-iK> 
"fbry Wft^Sftt ii^m Vharhe bdd tm^dtowaitdsr^he patita- 
tefeit'irftJiaes^fa9t,'Hvas'*<«)t iw*«)fllytmbervtceable to 
•hiin,-a^e'sbafll-9C»6rf6tee. ^Foi^lflMy »e to* be wfditght 
bn^by faiiriJfjeeShes,«atfd a'gfenrid iiifeiiAu&ting»-bebavicmr, 
A^ho are pi'dof againn Ansfets and' 411 Jiisage. 

^* 'The' ftdgofiatiotitf foi« peace ^♦^rere -•■ contiBoed <with 
hitn,^[irid h^^}ght'Uave4ii(d]re]HS(Miabie^^goodnenBs> ^a] 


the parliament ; but he absolutely refused 

Though Charles by all his messages could not procure 
a personal treaty, yet there never were wanting those 
in the twp houses who were willing lo agree with him 
on what they looked on as prudent and reasonable terms. 
After the message from Southwell, he removed with the 
Scots to Newcastle, where a treaty with him was carried 
on by the two houses, for a safe and well-grounded peace ; 
but it came to nothing, through his stiffness and obsti- 
nacy. When at ^olmby, it is well known that great 
court was paid to him by the chiefis of the army : this 
gave him copsequence in his own eyes, and made him 
refuse to listen to terms, which were far enough from 
being hard, his circumstances considered'. His circum- 
stances, I say, considered. Por as he had engaged in a 
war, and had been unsuccessful, it could not be expect- 
ed but that he must have terms imposed on him, an(l 
be well contented with a less decree of power than hp 
had formerly enjoyed. But his majesty was inflexible^ 
as appears from Sir John Berkley's relation, in Ludlow. 
" Major Huntington, one of the king's confidents," says 
he, " brought two general officers to Sir John Berkley, by 
order of the king, recommending them to him as pcfr- 
sons upon whom he might rely : these two had fre- 
quent conferences with Sir John Berkley, and assured 
him, that a conjunction with the king was universally 
desired by the officers and agitators ; and that Cromwell 
and Ireton were great dissemblers, if they were not real 
in it: but that the army was so bent upon it at present, 
that they durst not show themselves otherwise ; pro- 
testing that ho.wever things might happen to change, 
and whatsoever others might do, they would for ever 
continue faithful to the king. Tjiey acquaintef' ' * 

* See Ludl^, yol. I. p.. 195, 285. qiaKD^qOy ToU.} 
K. Charles*! Works, p. 578." 



to accept of them. This his enemies attri- 

a]aOy that proposals were drawn up by Ireton, wherein 
episcopacy was not required to be abolished^ nor any 
of the king's party wholly ruined, nor the militia to be 
taken away from the crown ; advising that the king 
would with all expedition agree to them, there being 
no assurance of the army, which they had observed al- 
ready to have changed more than once. To this end, 
they brought him to commissary-general Ireton, with 
whom he continued all night debating upon the pro- 
posals before mentioned, altering two of the articles, 
as he saith himself in the manuscript, in the most ma- 
terial points ; but upon his. endeavouring to alter a 
third, touching the exclusion of seven persons, not 
mentioned in the papers, from pardon, and the admis-, 
sion of the king's party to sit in the next parliament, 
Ireton told him, that there must be a distinction made 
between the conquerors and those that had been beaten, 
and that he himself should be afraid of a parliament 
where the king's party had the major vote; in con- 
duion, conjuring Sir John Berkley, as he tendered 
the king's welfare, to endeavour to procure his consent 
to the proposals, that they might with more confidence 
be offered to the parliament, and all differences ac- 
commodated. Cromwell appeared, in all his confer- 
ences with Sir John Berkley, most zealous for a speedy 
agreement with the king, insomuch that he sometimes 
complained of his son Ireton's slowness in perfecting 
the proposals, and -his unwillingness to come up to his 
majestie's sense: at other times he would wish that 
Sir John Berkley would act more frankly, and not tie 
himself up by narrow principles; always affirming, 
that he doubted the army would not persist in their 
good intentions towards tlie king. 

" During these transactions, t^ army marched from 
about Reading to Bedford, and the king with his usual 


buted to stiflfness, himself and his friends to 

guard to Woburn, a house belonging to the earl of Bed- 
ford ; where the proposals of the army were brought 
to him to peruse, before they were offered to him ia 
publick. He was much displeased wi^h them in gene- 
ral, saying, that if they had any intention to come to 
an accommodation, they would not impose such condi- 
tions on him: to which Sir John Berkley, who brought ■ 
them to him, answered, that he should rather suspect 
they designed to abuse him, if they had demanded less; 
there being no appearance that men, who, through so 
many dangers and difficulties, acquired such advan? 
tages, would content themselves with less than was 
contained in the said proposals ; and that a crown so 
near lost, was never recovered so easily as this would 
be, if things were adjusted upon these terms. But 
the king being of another opinion, replied, that they 
could not subsist without him, and that therefore he 
did not doubt to find them shortly willing to condescend 
farther, making his chief objections against the three 
following points: 1. The exclusion of seven persons 
from pardon. 2. The incapacitating any of his party 
from being elected members of the next ensuing par- 
liament. 3. That there was nothing mentioned con- 
cerning church-government. To the first it was an- 
swered, that when the king and the array were agreed, 
it would not be impossible to make them remit in that 
point ; but if that could not be obtained, yet when the 
king was restored to his power he might easily supply 
seven persons, living beyond the seas, in such a manner 
as JU> make their banishment supportable. To the 
second, that the next parliament would be necessitated 
to lay great burdens upon the people, and that it would 
be an happiness to the king's parly to have no hand 
therein. To the third, that the law was secority 
enough for the church, and that it was a great pojpt 


corisci6hde, hoiibtir, and prudende : vp'hich i5 

f'ained to reduce men; who bad fought against it, to 
e wholly silent in that matter. But the king, break- 
ing away from theni, said, * VVell, I shall see them 
glad; ere long, to accept of more equal ternis.* 

'' About this time Mr. Ashburnham arrived, to the 
kihg*s great contentment; and his instructions refer- 
ring; to Sir John IBerkley's, which they were to prose- 
cute jointly, Sir John gave him what light he could 
into the state of affairs : but he soon departed from the 
Methods proposed by Sir John Berkley, and entirely 
ifiomplyihg with the king's humoilr, declared openly, 
that having always used the best company, he could 
liot converse with such senseless fellows As th6 agita- 
tors; that if the officers could be gained, there was 
no doubt but that they would be able to cottiinand their 
own army; and that he was resolved to apply himself 
"ivholly to them. Upon this there grew a great fami- 
liarity between him and Whalley, who commanded the 
guard that waited on the king; and not long after, 
a close correspondence with Cromwell and Ireton, mes- 
sages daily passing from the king to the head-quarters. 
With these encouragements, arid others from the pres- 
tyterian party, the lord Lauderdale, and divers of the 
city of London, assuring the king that they would op- 
j^ose the army unto the death, he seemed so much ele- 
vated, that when the proposals were sent to him, and 
Ms concurrence humbly desired, he, to the great 
ast6hishment not only of Ifeton and the army, but ev6n 
bf his own party, entertained them with very sharp 
&nd bitter language, saying, that no Aian sb6'uld suf- 
fer fbrliis 'sake; and that he repented him of nbtbirig 
's6 iiiikih, as that he passed the bill against the earl of 
Strafford : which though it must be confessed to have 
^een an unworthy act in him, all things considered^ 

yet yfhB it no less imprudent in that inann^r, and at 


CHARLES I^ . -^3.5 

mo8l| probable, njiu^t be lefttp tfafi-jj^dgjuent 
of the reader. 

tbs^t time, to; an4 that hp \?puW. l^^vje. the 
church established according to law ^y the proposals. 
To which those of the army, repliedj. that it via^ pot 
their work to do. it, and that tbej[^ tlipught it suip&qienf; 
for them to wave the point ; a^dt tjb^cy hppi^d for the 
king toQy he h9.viDg alrea<^ cooseQt^l'to t]^^. abolition 
of the episcopal government iq Scotland* Xb^ king 
said he hoped God had forgiyenhim. tbfttsui, i;epqat« 
ing fr^equently these or the like wor^s, * You cap^ 
i:]|ot be without me; you wil] fall to ruin, if I do not 
/sustain you.' This manner, of car^i^g;^ frpip the 
}cing being observed with, the utmost amazement h/ 
many officers of the army w^hp w^re pres.eqt, ^p^, at 
least in appearance, were pr.Qnip.ters o£ th^ agrgeiQeqt, 
Sir John Berkley taking nptice of it, looked witl^ mnqh 
wonder upon the king, and st^ppiqg to hi^i, suijiy in 
hi3 ear, ' Sir, you 3pe^k a3 if yoq h{id ^ome scc];ct 
strength ai>d power which I io not know oji; ^f^d 
since you have concealed it from me, I wish you had 
done it froja th^ae mea alsp/ Whiereupop tjie king 
)^egaa to recollect l^ims^f,. and to. spften. his fprm^r 
discQurse : but it was top Ij^te ; fyx col., S^io^borpu^, 
wl)o. of ^11 the army ipepjed. th^ ]p^ to (Jgsfr^ ans^x^c- 
meat, havipg ofesepcv^ ^^e paasagei^^wejit out.ffom 
the coirfejce^cje, and J^aAt^xied to t^^^ W^Sr^i ipformipg 
them what eff^texXpAprnj^t th^ir cpnm(i.93iP9^s «^Pd p^ro- 
poi^als h^ founc^ with.tbe ki^V- 

MQn|;eth'£f ajcco,^ at is ta d[i/e s^^je pj^nip^pj^e, ai^.Pj^ly 

. JA the 9^jjx,e wprda ^. A,nd tjb^t t^^r^ U gfe^t prqjbqbi* 

Jijt; pf the army's bcipg yfojl inclip/e^, tp^^rj^s I^e kipg 

^t t^iatime, appear? f^.m »l,qtter oi^ii T}xpjffLB»^f^]^K 

*■ Ludlow, Tol. T. p. 203. ^ History of the Troables of Great 

IWMun, p. 301, 3i)9i 




New commotions arising in various parts 
of the kingdom in behalf of his majesty, 

to the speakers of both liousefi, dated Rending, July 8, 
1647. In this letter he says, " Our desires cnncerning 
a just consideration-and settlement of the king's rights, 
his majesty first giving his concurrence to settle and se- 
cure the rights and liberties of the kingdoms, we have 
already puhlickly declared in our representation and 
remonstrance. Since the first of those papers sent to 
the parliament, there have been several officers of the 
army, upon several occasions, sent to his majesty; the 
first to present to him a copy of the representation, and 
after that some others to tender him a copy of the re- 
monstrance; upon both which, the officers sent were 
appointed to clear the sense and intention of any thing 
in either paper, whereupon his majesty might make 
any question. Since then there have been also some 
officers, at several times, sent to his majesty about his 
remove from Hatfield; to dissuade, if possible, from 
Windsor, or any place so near London, to some place 
of further distance, answerable to what we had desired 
of the parliament. In all which addresses to his ma- 
jesty, we care not who knows what hath been said or 
done; for as we have nothing to bargain for, or ask 
either from his majesty or the parliament, for advan- 
tage to ourselves, or any particular party or interest of 
our own ; so, in all those addresses to his majesty, we 
have utterly disclaimed and disavowed any such thing, 
or any overtures or thoughts tending that way; but the 
only intent and effect of those our addresses, hath been 
to desire and endeavour his majestie's free concurrence 
with the parliament, for establishing and securing the 
common rights and liberties, and settling the peace of 
the kingdom; and to assure him, that (the publick 
being so provided for, with such his majestie's c 

r principi 


and strong desires after peace prevailing, 

rence) it is fully nprrceable E 
be our desires mid endeavu 
settling of the publick) the rights of his majesty's royal 
family should be also provided for, so as n laatintr peace 
and agreement might be settled in this nation; and 
that, as we had publicity declared for tbc same in ge- 
neral terms, so, if things come to a way of settlement, 
we should not be wanting in our spheres to own that 
general desire, in any particulars of natural or civil 
right of his majestie'a person, which might not preju- 
dice or again endanger the publick ; and, in the mean 
time, that his majesty should find all personal civilities 
and respects from us, with all reasonable freedom that 
might stand with safety, and with the trust or charge 
lying upon us concerning his person'." — It appears 
then, that the army was inclined towards the king 
about this time, and that he might have had from them 
tolerable conditions. These lie refused to consent 
unto, till making his escape into the Isle of Wight, 
the parliament, under the iuBuence of the army, pre- 
sented unto him, Dec. 24, 1647, four bills, together 
with propositions, which, upon passiDg these bills, 
were lo he treated upon. These bilis were entituled, 

" 1. An act concerning the raising, settling, and main- 
taining forces by sea and land, within the kingdoms of 
England and Ireland, &c.— This divested his majesty 
of the power of the militia for twenty years, and placed 
it in the parliament : afterwards it was not to be exer- " 
cised without the authority of the houses. 

" 2. An act for justifying the proceedings of parlia-*" 
ment in the late war, and for declaring all oaths, de- 
clarations, proclamations, and other pruceediogs 
against it, to be void. 

^History, Tol. XVLp, 

4d6 TH8^UF£ OF 

tlie parlinpieiit once more entered into* a 

^' 3. An act" concerning peers lately made, and hereaf- 
ter to be made. By this, all peerages, granted since 
the 20th of May, 1642, were declared void ; and all 
Bnch as were for the future to be conferred, without 
consent of parliament, were enacted to be of no force^ 
with respect to sitting and voting in parliament. 

** 4. An act concerning the adjournment of Vo^^ 
houses of parliament. This gave them liberty toaik- 
journ when and where they pleased) without making 
an end or determining any session of the then parlia^ 

His majesty, in answer to these bills and the propo- 
sitions that accompanied them, dechred, ^^ That nei- 
ther the desire of being freed from his tedious and irk- 
fome condition of life his majesty hath so long sufFeyv 
ed, nor the apprehension of wbol; may befall him, in 
case his two houses shall not aiford him a personal 
treaty, shall make him change his resolution of not 
consenting to any act till the whole peace be conclud- 
ed; yet then he intends not only to give just and teor 
sonable satisfaction in the particulars presented to hint, 
but also to make good all other concessions pieQtioned 
in his message of the )6th of Noyember last, whio)i he 
thought would have produced better effects than what 
he finds in the bills and propositions now presented 
unto him. And yet his majesty cannot give ovef^ but 
BOW again earnestly presseth for a personal treaty (so 
passionately is be affected with the advantages which 
peace will bring to his majesty and all his subjects); of 
wfaic^ he will not a< all despair (there being no other 
irkible way to obtain a well-groiinded peace). How- 
ever, his majesty is very much at ease within himself, mr 
having fulfilled the offices both of a christian and of a 

* Kir>ir Charies's Worlis, p. 590. 


ftfeaty with hitti. This they di<f tfith great 
sincerity, and were not without hopes of 

king ; and will patiently wait the good pleasure of Al- . 
mighty God, to incline the hearts of his two houses to 
•consider their king, and to compassionate their fellow- 
subjects' miseries *." There seems somewhat very phi- 
losophic in this reply. But the reader may possibly 
be able to account for the spirit of it, when he is in- 
formed that the king was meditating an escape fiom 
Carisbrook; had made a treaty with the Scots, who 
soon openly invaded England on his behalf, in which 
they were joined by the presbyterians and cavaliers in 
fettgiadd, which produced the second civil war, and 
ended fatally with respect to most of those who excited 
it. — ^To I'eturn. — No sooner had the king's answer been 
read asd considered by the houses, hut they set forth 
the fbHotirittg declaration and resolutions, Jan. 15, 


f The lords and commons assembled in parliament, 
after many addresses to his majesty for preventing and 
ending this unnatural war, raised by him against his 
"parliament and kingdom, having lately sent four bills 
to his majesty, which did contain only matter of safety 
Imd security to the parliament and kingdom, refefriinrg 
the composure of all other differences to a persoihiad 
treaty with his majesty; and having received an abso- 
lute negative, do bold themselves obliged to use their 
uttermost endeavours speedily to settle the present go- 
vernment, in such a way as may bring the greatest se- 
^irtty to this kingdom, in the enjoyment of the laws 
tmd liberties thereof; add in order Aereunto, and that 
the houses ma}' receive no delays nor intefUbptions in 
«o great and necessary a work, they have taken these 
resolutions, and passed these votes following, viz, 

^ Ijng€harlei^t Worke, p.* 595. 

460 THE Ll^jpr 

bringing it to a happy conclusion. For the 
answers of the king to the propositions of 

' Resolved upon the question, 

' That the lords and commons do declare, that they 
will make no further addresses, or applications to the 

* Resolved upon the question, 

' That no application or address be made to the king 
by any person whatsoever, without the leave of both 

' Resolved upon the question, 

* That the person or persons that shall make breach 
of this order, shall incur the penalties of high treason. 

' Resolved upon the question, 

' That the lords and commons do declare^ that they 
will receive no more any message from the king ; and 
do enjoin, that no person whatsoever do presume to 
receive or bring any message from the king to both 
or either of the houses of parliament, or to any other 
person *J* 

This was the fruit of Charles's stiff behaviour! He 
did not consider times and circumstances, oor coolj^^ 
he bring himself into such a temper as wa^ requisite to- ; 
regain his throne, and re-establish his affairs^^The 
house of commons was so provoked at his majesty's 
refusal to sign the four bills, that they printed a " de- 
claration, expressing their reasons and grounds of pass- 
ing the resolutions, touching no farther address or ap- 
plication to the king." 

In this Charles's behaviour from the beginning of 
bis reign is brought to remembrance, his insincerity in 
his treaties exposed, and his dealings with regard to 
the parliament and Ireland laid open, with great acri- 

' King Cbaries't Works, p. 596. 



both houses were voted to be a ground to 
proceed upon for the settlemeafcof the peace 
of the kingdom ^^ 

mony of style*. His majesty replied hereunto in a 
declaration, dated Carisbrook Castle, 18 Jan. 1647, and 
insisted still on it, that he could not in conscience, 
honour or prudence pass the four bills ^; and thereby 
made the matter still worse in the eyes of his oppo* 
nents, who paid but little regard to these his protesta- 
tions. For they imagined that it was not conscience, 
honour or prudence that prompted him^ to this and his 
former denials to yield to the terms proposed, but an 
inflexible stiffness, and the hopes of availing himself of 
their divisions. " When treaties from the parliament," 
says Milton, " sought out him, no less than seven 
times, (oft enough to testify the willingness of their 
obedience, and too oft for the majesty of a parliament 
to court their subjection) he, in the confidence of his 
own strength, or of our divisions, returned us nothing 
back but denials, or delays, to their most necessary 
demands; and being at lowest, kept up still and sus- 
'%in<sd his almost famished hopes with the hourly ex- 
potation of raising up himself the higher, by the 
grfeater heap which he sat promising himself of our 
sudden ruin through dissentiori." — And again, says the 
same writer, " The parliament — when he was their 
vanquished and their captive, his forces utterly broken 
and disbanded, yet offered him,^ three several times, 
no worse proposals or demands, than when he stood 
fair to be their conqueror. But tha^ro prudent sur- 
mise, that his lowest ebb could not set him * below a 
fight,' was a presu nipt ion that ruined him *^." 

^' The king's answers were voted to be a ground to 

* See Parliamentary History. toI. XVII. p. 2—24 •> King Charles's. 

Works, p. 597. ' Iconoclasles, 2d edit. p. 6&, 70, 


But the hcypes of peace were su^deul/ 

proceed upon, forHIhe settlement of the peace of th« 
kingdom.] Charles, notwithstanding the votes of no 
more addresses, we have observed, was not without 
hopes of regaining his power. Nor were his hop€^ 
wholly without foundation : for the np.tion, weary ctf 
war, and fearing the great power of the army, wfn 
much disposed to bring things to an aocommodatioi!! 
with him. Petitions from various parts were seat qp 
for this purpose to the houses : -the city of London w^ 
greatly desirous of it, as well as mapy of the most cob* 
siderable men in parliament ; and mobs ainl tqmqlt^ 
arose every where, in order to tfi'iog it about. Norwag 
this all. The friends of Charles raised forces in diflS^r- 
ent parts of the kingdom, and the Scots invaded £n^ 
land, in order to assist them in restoring him to-hU 
former condition. The parliament indeed liked ^6t 
these proceedings, as tending to render their cares. and 
toils of no effect. For if by force he was resettled oj^ 
his throve, they well enough knew what was likely to 
befall themselves, and the nation in general. Thqr 
ordered therefore the army to<juell the tumults, toad-» 
vance against the royalists, and rqpel the Scots ; whic)^ 
was at length effectually done by men used to vic^i^ 
and inspired with a belief of the justness.of the cause 
they were engaged in. Mean while the parliament, :tp 
manifest to the world that they indeed desired peace 
upon terms that were just and safe, resolved, " That .a 
treaty should be had in the Isle of Wight, with the 
king in person, by a committee appoint^ed by botjai 
houses V Accordingly commissipners were appoint- 
ed ;- the votes for no more addresses were revoked,, and 
the town of Newport, named by the king, was agreed 
to for tlie place of treaty. Charles now had once more 

* Pfirliamentary History, vol. XVII. p. d4S. 


dissipated : for the army, having subdued 

^a opportunity of regaining his honour, freedom, and 
saftty. The opportunity he laid hold of, though he 
did not proceed with that openness, quickness, and 
dispatch which the critical situation of his affairs seem- 
ed to require. — The treaty hegan Sept. 18, 1648. Hl» 
majesty itpipsented in this treaty to the first proposi-* 
tion maae^by the parliament, ^^ for recalling and an- 
nulling all oaths, declarationsi proclamations, and other 
proceedings against both or either houses of parlia- 
ment, or against any for adhering to them; provided 
that neitl^ this concession nor any other of his upon 
this treaty^ ^ould be of any force, unless the whole 
were agreed." — This proposition was intended to, aocl 
actually did^ justify all that had been done against the 
king from the very beginning of this war; and there- 
fore it is styled 'by lord Clarendon, a " proposition of 
a horrid and monstrous nature, which though his ma- 
jesty consented to pass, yet he well foresaw the asper- 
sions it would expose him to V But with regard to 
the article of religion — this his aiajesty stiffly debated 
with. the commissioners for four days, and at length 
appeared no way convineeid by their reasonings, or the 
reasonings of their divines. For his chaplains, with 
whom he consulted here, seem to have had their wont- 
ed influence over him, and threw him into much per- 
plexity. — " His majesty (says Mr. Oudart, wha attend- 
ed on him at this treaty) this afternoon [Oct. 7.] heard 
read several draughts of an answer upon the proposi- 
tion for religion ; disliked all ; and was in a great, per- 
plexity about the point ftf abolishing episcopacy^ evea 
to shedding of tears ^.'* Great pity it surely was to 
press the king to do what seemed to be realjj i^auist 

^ Chirwjdon, voUVl'p. «13, 2U. ^Peck's DesidentairCflfrfosa^ 

voL U. lib. 10.^ p. iMiiMii. 1135. 

'Ill** . *t 

■W^^^"^"— ^^1^^^-iW*— .» 



those who had taken up arms in his ma- 

bis conscience! How far the apprehended necessity of 
the public welfare's requiring it will justify those who 
did it, the casuists must determine. Though I cannot 
help remarking, that it seems among the unaccounta- 
bles in human nature, that this prince, who had all 
along paid so little regard to the laws andJibertles of 
his kingdom, or his own coronation-oath, in most in- 
teresting and important points, should have so great a 
fear of acting against law, Christianity, and the same 
oath, with respect to the abolishing of bishops, and 
secularizing their revenuefe. — However, j^ order to 
make things easy, his majesty offered to consent " that 
the calling and sitting of the assembly of divines at 
Westminster be confirmed for three years by act of 
parliament ; that the directory for the public worship of 
God, and the presbyterian government, be established 
by law for the same time. Provided that bis majesty, 
and those of his judgment, or any others who cannot 
in conscience submit thereunto, be not in the mean 
time obliged to comply with the same government, or 
form of worship, but have the free practice of their 
own profession. And that a free consultation and de- 
bate be had with the assembly of divines at Westmin- 
ster in the mean time (twenty of his majestie's nomi- 
nation being added unto them), whereby it may be 
determined by his majestic and his two houses of par- 
liament, how the said church-government and form of 
public worship after the said time may be settled, or 
sooner, if differences iflay be agreed. — ^And concerning 
the bishop's lands and revenatt,his majesty considering 
that during these troublesome times divers of his sub- 
jects have made contracts and purc^suies, and divers 
have. disbursed great sums of money upon security and 
engagement of those lands ; his maje|f,y for their sa- 



jesty's behalf, presented a remonstrance to 

tisfaction, will consent to an act or acts of parliament, 
whereby legal estates for lives or for years (at theif 
choice), not exceeding ninety-nine years, shall be 
made of those lands, towards the satisfaction of the 
said purchasers, contractors, and others to whom they 
arc engaged, at the old rents ; or some other moderate 
rent, whereby they may receive satisfaction. And in 
case such lease shall not satisfy, his majesty will pro- 
pound and consent to some other way for their further 
satisfaction. Provided, that the propriety and inhe- 
ritance of those lands may still remain and continue 
to the church and churchmen respectively, according 
to the pioQS intentions of the donors and founders 

" His majesty farther offered to consent to acts for 
the better observation of the Lord's-day, for suppress- 
ing innovations in God's worship, and for advancing 
of preaching. 

" And to acts against pluralities and non-residences, 
for regulating the universities and colleges, for the 
better discovery and conviction of popish recusants, 
and education of their children in the protestant re- 
ligion ; for levying of penalties against papists and 
their practices against the state, and for putting the 
laws in execution, and for a stricter course to prevent 
hearing and saying of mass. 

" As to the covenant, his majesty ivas not then 
satisfied that he could sign or swear it, or consent to 
impose it on the consciences of others, nor did he con- 
ceive it proper or useful at that time to be insisted 
upon. As to the militia, his majesty consented to an 
act to have it in the hands of the parliament for ten 
years. Touching Ireland, after advice with his two 

■ King Charles's Woits, p. 603. 
VOL. II. H h 

M" i' I If ;Vi' - If' "^Y 



the house of commons, in which they de- 
houses, the king offered to leave it to their determina- 
tion. Touching publick debts, be consented to raise 
moqey by equal taxes. Lastly, he proposed to have 
liberty to come forthwith to Westminster, and be 
restored to a condition of freedom and safety, and to 
the possession of his lands and revenues ; and that an 
act of oblivion and indemnity might p^s, to extend to 
all persons for all matters relating to the late unhappy 
differences; which being agreed to by his two housesj 
his majesty declared himself ready to make these his 
concessions binding, by giving them the royal assent *." 
" More than this," says Whitlock, " could not be 
obtained from his majesty, though most earnestly 
begged of him by some of the commissioners (great 
persons) with tears, and on their knees, particularly as 
to the proposition touching religion. But the prelatical 
party about him, for their particular interest, and 
power to persecute others, prevailed with him rathec 
to hazard his crown and life, than to diminish their 
greatness and power. Wherein the church-govern- 
ment and publick worship, and chiefly the revenues of 
the church, swayed more with the king's chaplains 
then about him, and they more with his majesty 
(continually whispering matter of conscience to him) 
than the parliament^ with all their commissioners, 
could prevail with him for an agreement, though 
possibly his own judgment (which was above all their^s) 
might not be so fully convinced by his eager divines 
about him**." This answer of the king's being voted 
unsatisfactory, his majesty afterwards offered to con- 
sent " to a bill for taking away all archbishops, chancel- 
lours and commissaries, deans and subdeans, deans and 
chapters, archdeacons, canons and prebendaries, and,- 

■ King Charles's Works, p. 603 j and Whitlock, p. 340. «» WhiUock, 
p. 340. ^ 

finrp ' 1 1 r TH 


manded that the king should be brought to 

in short, all the officers of the cathedral or collegiate 
churches; and also to agree with the two houses (time 
being to be allowed him and them to inform themselves 
of the practice of the primitive church in point of 
episcopacy) in limiting the bishops to the counsel and 
assistance of presbyters, and in the exercise of their 
jurisdiction, and increasing, their number, if it be 
thought fit'." This was the utmost Charles would * 
allow in this matter, and long and learned were the 
debates, and many the desires of expedition expressed, ' 
before he could be brought to this. For his manner 
was here, as in former treaties, to try whether less 
would not be accepted before he offered more, and 
thereby wasted time, which to him, in his circum- 
stances, was most precious. However, these conces- 
sions with regard to the church being made; themilitia 
granted to the parliament for twenty years ; the cessa- 
tion in Ireland declared void ; all titles of honour, since 
the great seal was carried to Oxford, vacated ; delin- 
quents fined, prohibited the court and parliament, and 
left to the laws; all offices left to be filled up by both 
houses; their grants and commissions confirmed; the 
court of Wards abolished, with some matters of a less 
important nature, things began to hasten towards a 
settlement; and it was resolved by the commons, 
Dec. 5, 1648, and agreed to by the lords, " That the 
answers of the king to the propositions of both houses, 
are a ground for the house to proceed upon for the 

settlement of the peace of the kingdom'." But 

before this vote passed, his majesty had been seized by 
the army (without the knowledge of the parliament, as 
we shall presently see), who thereby rendered of none 
effect all these proceedings. Unhappy was the stiffness 

» Parliamentary History, rol. XVIII. p. 91. i- lA p. 4«, 





justice, and a |)eri(xl be set to tlie parlia- 

and diEputatioua humour of this prince to himself and 
his friends! had he frankly made these coacessloos at 
first, they would probably have brought him to Londoa 
in freedom, honour, and safety. But by disputing and 
writing, time was lengtheocd out, tt,ie EngliBli royalTsts 
beaten, the Scoiish army routed, and llie amiy masters 

of all. Lord Clarendon, in hie account of this 

treaty, speaks of the "refractory, obstinate adherence 
of the comtnissionei"s to their own nill, without any 
shadow of reason; of their letting Ipose ifaeir clergy 
upon the king, who all behaved themselves will) that 
rudeness, as if they meant to be (lo longer subject to a 
king, no more than to a bishop ;" and of " their impor- 
tunity and bitterness in beginning on their new instruc- 
tions ':" things a? little founded on truth, as that 
Jenkins and Spiirstow were the clergymen who dis- 
puted with his majesty; when, in fact, their names 
were Marshal and Vines, Caryl sad Seaman ; who, 
says Mr, Oudart, in the conclusion of their rejoinder 
to the ting's reply about church-governmeat, " were 
very civil and full of chelorick, and gave a great 
t^tiniony of the learning couched in his majesty's 
paper, and highly applauded his majesty's piety as 
another Constantine, See"." And the same gentleman 
assures us, his majesty " much thanked every one of 
the commissioners for their freedom, and even for 
their urging him against his opinion during the time 
of tliis treaty '," 

Sir Thomas Herbert, who was with the king also 
9t this time, concurs with Mr. Oudoi t i a his account of 
the respect with whici he was treated, — "In tliese 
debates," says Ite, " thece were no heats on either side, 

■ Clarendon, vol. V. p. 213,216,1233. ' Peck's I>eil<!erabi 

CnricHi voLil. bookx. pi 11, ^ Id. p, IS. 


ment But not meeting with sticcess herein, 
they seized the king's'* person, removetl 

bat managed with great sobriety and moderation. And 
in .ill this treaty hia oiajesTy was observed, in the 
wbole transaction with the commissioners and divines, 
to keep a conatarit decorum, witii great prudence, 
csutioDstiess, «nd good order. And albeit he was 
single, and obliged to smswer what the commissioners 
(who were many) had in proposition or objection, his 
majesty's answers were pertiaent, dnd delivered with- 
out any perturbation or shew of discomposure. Albeit 
he had to do with persons as of high civility and ob- 
servance to the king, so of great parts and understand- 

ing m 

the law and affairs of state, and both for their 

ingenuity and fair carriage much commended by the 
king, as occasion afterwards offered"." His lordship 
pretends he drew np his relation from tha account 
given in a letter from the king to his ion : whether this 
is probable {as it is inconsistent with the best attested 
narratives of this affair) must be determined by the 

'* The army presented a remonstrance, seized the 
king's person, &c.] From the time thai ihc king re- 
jected the propositions made him by the army, they 
meditated hia ruin. Whilst the treaty of Newport was 
in agitation, a large remonstrance came from the army, 
in which it was declared, that " they conceived the 
parliament had abundant cause to lay aside any farther 
proceedings in that treaty, and to return to their votes 
of non-addresses, and to reject the king's demands for 
hitnself and his party, and that he may no more come'- 
to government nor to London. 

" That delintjuents be no more bargained with, nor 
partially dealt with; nor protected, nor pardonable by 

■ SirT, Herben'i Memoirs, p. 11, Bvo. Lond. HOg. 



him to Hurst Castle, and afterwards brought 
I him to London, where a high court of jus- 

Pany other power, only moderated upon submission ; 
md among these offenders they offer, 

1. That the king be brought to justice, as the 
L capital cause of all. 

. That a day be set for the prince and duke of 
York to come iu: and iflhey do not, then to be de- 
clared traitors; if they do come in, to be proceeded 
against, or remitted, as they give satisfaction. 

" 3. Tliai publick justice may be done upon some 
capital causers and actors in this war. 

" 4. That the rest, upon (submission, may have 
mercy for their lives, 

" 5. That the soldiers may have their arrears, and 
publick debts be paid out of delinquents estates. 

" C. That a period be set to this parliciment, and a 
provision for new and more equal representatives of 
the people, &c." 

In the conclusion they say, " These things they 
press as good ior this and other kingdoms, and hope it 
will not be taken ill, because from an aimy, and so 
servants, when their masters are servants, and trustees 
for the kingdom." 

" This remonstrance," says Whitlock, " endured a 
long and high debate, some inveighing sharply against 
the insolency of it, others palliated and excused the 
matters in ir, and some did not stick to justify it; most 
were silent because it came from the army, and feared 
the like to be done by them as had been donefbrmeriy : 
in fine, the debate was adjourned'." The bouse, on 
reading this remonstrance, we may well suppose, was 
not a little confused, iiut the army followed briskly 
their blow ; ihcy seized the king's person, tuid conveyed 

• Whiilock, p. 355. 



tice being erected, he was tried, condemn- 

him to Hurst Castle. This still more alarmed the 
parliament, who declared that it was done without 
their advice or consent, and voted the king's conces- 
sions a ground for settling the peace of the kingdom % 
as I have before mentioned. The army finding the 
parliament thus resolute for peace, resolved by force 
to frustrate their intentions. For this end, they placed 
colonel Pride, with a large party of horse and foot, 
upon all the avenues to the parliament-house ; who, on 
the 6th of December, seized and imprisoned forty-seven 
member^ of the house of commons, and afterwards 
ninety-six more were secluded by the same authority''. 
— What followed is well known. 

The voles of non-addresses were resumed ; the king 
was brought to Windsor; an ordinance was passed by 
the remaining part of the commons', but rejected by 
the lords, for bringing him to his trial; a high court 
of justice was erected, before which he was tried (for 
levying war against the parliament, and the people 
therein represented), condemned, and, in virtue of its 
warrant, executed Jan. 30, 1648, O.S. 

" From these indisputable faets," aa the author of 
the parliamentary history observes, " it appears, that 
tfiose great and able members who first engaged in 
behalf of the liberties of the people, against the en- 
croachments of the prerogative, meant no more than 
to oblige the king to rule according to law; not to 
bring hira to the scaffold : and that monarchy aud 
the peerage were not destroyed, till the liberties of .• 
parliament had been first subverted by an army of their 

Whether I have attubuted the king's death to thft 

* Whitlock, p. 359. " Parliamentary liittory, vol. XVIII. p. 471. 

" Not more than fifty-three in number ' Parliamentary History, 

vd. XVIII. p, 556. 




cd, and executed, by an. authority unknown 

proper persons, will be best kuown from tbe following 

1. Mr. Ludlow says, " Some of our commissioiiers, 
who had been with tbe king [at Newportl pleaded in 
the house for a concunence with hini, as if they had 
been employed by him; though others, with more 
ingenuity, ackacrwledged that they would not advise an 
agreement upon those terms, were it not to prevent a 
greater evil, tliat was like to ensue upon the refusal of 
them. But Sir Henry Vane so truly stated the matter 
of fact relating to the treaty, and so evidently discover- 
ed the design and deceit of the king's answer, that he 
made it clear to us [the army-party], that by it the 
justice of our cause was not asserted, nor our rights 
iiecuTed for the future ; concluding, that if they should 
accept of these terms without the concurrence of tbe 
army, it would prove but a feather in their caps: not- 
withstanding which, the corrupt party in the house 
having bargained for their own and the nation's liberiy, 
resolved to break through all hazards and inconveni- 
encies to make good their cootractj and after twenty- 
four hours debate, resolved, by tbe plurality of votes, 
That the king's concessioios were groimd for a future 
settlement. At which some of us e.vpresising our dis^ 
satisfaction, desired that our protestatlou might be 
entted; but that beiiBg denied, as against the orders of 
the basse, I contented myt^df to declaie publicly^ that 
being convinced tbat they had tleserted the common 
cause and interest of tben^ttion, I could no longer join 
with them; ihe rest of those who dissented also ex- 
pressing themselves much to the same purpose. Tlie 
day following some of the principal officers of the 
army came to London, with expectation that things 
would be brought to this issue; and consulting witht 
some members of parliament, and others, it was con- 


to this nation, and contrary to the sense 

duded, after a full and free debate, that the u 
taken by the parliament were contrary to the trust re- 
posed in tbem, and tending to contract the guilt of 
the blood that had been shed upon iliemseivea and the 
nation : that it was therefore the duty of the army to 
endeavour to put a stop to such proceedings; having 
engaged in the war not simply as mercenaries, but oat 
of judgment and conscience, being convinced that the 
cause in which they were engaged was just, and that 
the good of the people was involved in it. Being 
come to this resolution, three of the members of the 
house, and three of the officers of the army, withdrew 
into a private room, to consider of the bestmeauato 
attain the ends of our said resolution, where we agreed 
that the army should be drawn up the next morning, 
and guards placed in Westminster-hall, the Court of 
llequests, and the Lobby; that none might be per- 
mitted to pass into the bouse, but such as had con- 
tinued fiiilhful to the public interest. To this end, we 
went over the names of all the members one by one, 
glTiDg the truest character we could of, their inclinO' 
tioQS, wlierein, I presume, we were nSt mistaken in 

many. General Ircton went to Sir Thomas Fairfax, 

and acquainted him with tJie necessity of thia extra- 
ordinary way of proceeding, having taken cm-e to have 
the army drawn up the next morning by seven of the 
clock. Col. Pride commanded the guard that attended 
at the parliament-doors, having a list of those members 
who were lobe e.icluded, preventing them from enter- 
ing >nto the house, and securing some of the most 
nispected under a guard provided for that end; in which 
he was assisted by the lord Grey of Grooby, and others 
who knew ihc members"." 

■ LadtQn, vol. i. p. 

^^^""r^- -::--<^-: :.-^ .:■ - ■ ■.^sf.itiam^gs^^y 


of the people, — Amidst all the sufferings 

2. Lord Fairfax, general of the army, writes as 
follows: " The treaty [of Newport] was scarce ended 
before the king was seized on, by the hands of the same 
persons that took him from Hohnby : soon after fol- 
lowed his trial. To prepare way to this work, this 
agitating council did first intend to remove all out of 
the parliament who were like to oppose them; and 
carried it on with such secrecy, as 1 had not the least 
intimation of it till it was done, as some of the mem- 
bers of the house can witness, with whom I was at that 
very time upon special business, when that attempt was 
made by colonel Pride upon the parliament, which I 
protest I never had any knowledge of till it was done. 
The reason why it was so secretly carried, that I should 

v^ have no notice of it, was because I always prevented 
those designs when I knew them. By this purging of 
the house (as they called it) the parliament was brought 
into such a consumptive and languishing condition, 
that it could never again recover that healthful con- 
stitution, which always kept the kingdom in its 
strength, life, and vigour. This way being made by 
the sword, th?'tryal of the king was easier for them to 

3. Sir Heneage Finch, solicitor-general, at the trial 
of the regicides, publicly acquitted the parliament, and 
consequently the people represented, from all blame in 
this matter. Hear his words : " Whatsoever, in the 
year 1648, could have been done by a parliament to 
save the life of a king, was done in this case. They 
opened a way to a treaty in spight of the army; and 
while these sons of Zeruiah, who were too hard 
for them, were engaged in service in the remoter parts, 
they hastened the treaty as much as was possible; the 

' Fairfax's Memoiials, p. 119, 130^ 181. 


which Charles underwent, he seems to have 

debates ripen, his majesty's concessions were voted a 
good ground for pence: notwitiistandiog the remon- 
strances of the aliny etill flew about their ears, and not- 
withstanding the oppositions of a fearful and unbeliev- 
ing party of the house of commons, whom the army 
had frighted into an awful and slavish dependance upon 
them. And wlien nothing else could be done for him, 
they were so true to the obligations they lay under, that 
they resolved to fall with him; i|nd did so. Tor the 
army, wlio saw the treaty proceed so fast, made as 
great haste to break it. Tliey seize upon the blessed 
person of our sacred king by force, and bring him to 
London; and here they force the parliament, shut out 
some members, imprison others; and then call this 
wretched little company wliichwas left, a parliament. 
By this, and before they had taken upon them the 
boldness to dissolve the house of peers, they pass a law, 
and erect, forsooth! an high court of justice, as they 
call it'." Sir Edward Turner, on the same occa- 
sion, said, " My lords, this was not a national crime: 
and our good and gracious sovereign hmb done us that 
honor and right to vindicate ns in foreigftnations; and 
DOW he is come home in power and glory, he does con- 
tinue in the same mind ''." 

The lord chief baron Bridgman, from tbebeitch, de- 
clared it to be his opinion also, " That of 46 members 
which sat in the house of commons, there were but 
25 or 'i(j men that did vote the act for the tryal of tbe 

4. Charles himself, on his trial, said, " be was far 
from charging the two houses with the proceedings of 
that day''." And, 


' Euct awL Impartial AccnUE 
Land. 1660. " Id. p. 40. 

Works, p. 197. 

Ihc Tryal of Rcgicidis, p. 31. 4to. 
' lA p. 67. ' King Cli»rl«'i 



^;g the lipe of 

preserved great equanimity ; and befbtCj 

5. In the preamble to the act for the attainder of se- 
veral persons, guilty of the horrid murder of kinjj 
Charles I. we have the lollowing passugeE. — " In all 
humble manner shew iiiito your most excellent majesty, 
your majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects the lord* 
and commons in parliament assembled, that the horrid 
and execrable murther of your majesty's royEd father, 
our late most gracious sovereign Charles the First, of 
ever blessed and glorious memory, hath been committed 
by a party of wretched men, desperately wicked, and 
hardened in their impiety, who having first plotted and 
contrived the ruin and destruction of this excellent 
monarchy, and, with it, of the true reformed protest- 
ant leligion, which bath been so long protected by 
« it, and flourished under it, found it necessary, ia order 
to the carrying on of their pernicious and traitorous 
designs, to throw down all the bulwarks and fences of 
law, and to subvert the very being and constitution of 
parliament, that so they might at last make their way 
open for any further attempts upon the sacred person of 
hia majesty himself; and that, for the more easy effect- 
ing thereof^ thcy did first seduce some part of the then 
army into a compUance, and then kept the rest in snl>- 
jeelion to them, partly for hopes of preferment, and 
ehiedy for fear of losing their imploymenls and arrears, 
nntil by these, and other more odious arts and devices, 
they had fully strengthned themselves both in power 
nnd faction ; which being done, they did declare against 
idl manner of treaties with the person of the king, evea 
then while a treaty by advice of both houses of parlia- 
ment was in being, remonstrate against the houses of 
parliament for such proceedings, seize upon hia royal 
person, while the commissioners were returned to the 
house of parliament with his answer; and when hii 
concessions had been voted a-ground for pence, seize 


at, and after his trial, his patience, or iusen- 
sibilityj was very remarkable". 

upon the house of commoas, sechtde and imprison 
some m embers, force out others, and there bcin}^ left 
but a giuall remnant of their own creatures (act a tenth 
part of tlie whole), did seek to sheUer themselves by 
this weak pretence, under the name and authority of 
a parliament : and, in that name, laboured to prosecute 
what was yet behind and unfinished of their long in- 
tended treason and conspiracy. To this purpose they 
prepared an ordinance for erecting a prodigious and un- 
heartl-of tribunal, which they called an high court of 
justice, for tryal of his majesty ; and having easily pro- 
cured it to pass in their bouse of commons, as it then 
stood moulded, ventured to send it up from thence to 
the peers then sitting, who totally rejected it; where- 
upon their rage and fury increasing, they presume to 
pass it alone, as an act of the commons, and in the 
name of the commons of England; and having gained 
the pretence of law, made by a power of their own 
making, pursue it with all possible force and cruelty; 
until at last, upon the 30th Jan. 1643, l^i^ sacred ma- 
jesty was brought upon a scaflbld, and there puhlickly 
inurlhered before the gales of his own royal palace"." 
Those gentlemen who talk of the execution of this 
prince as a national sin, would do well to consider 
these authorities. 

"Amidst his sufferings he preserved great equani- 
ipity; and before, at, and after his trial, his patience, 
or insensibility, were very remarkable.] Sir Thomas 
Herbert, who constantly attended his majesty ffiotn 
the time that he was at Hohnby to his executuO at 
Whitehall, shall be my voucher for his equanimity and 



-"^"-^•'•' ••'' • •"•"■^ ■ .'.^.^%. 



On the scaffold he is thought to have ex- 
celled himself, and to have died much 

^ His majestjr,^ says Sir Thomas, '' had information 
fiom private hands of the late proceedings in the house 
of commons — ^by which his majesty was apprehensive 
of their [the army-party's] ill intentions towards his 
person and government, and did believe his enemies 
aimed at his deposing and confinement in the Tower, 
or some such like place ; and that they woald seat his 
son the prince of Wales in his throne, if he would ac- 
cept of it. But as to their taking away his life by tryal 
in any court of justice, or in the face of his people, 
that he could not believe, there being no such prece^ 
dent, or mention in any of our histories. — Such were 
his majesty's imaginations, until he came to his tryal 
in Westminster-hall; for then he altered his opinion. 
Nevertheless his' faith overcoming his fear, he conti- 
nued his accustomed prudence and patience, so as no 
outward perturbation could be discerned ; with chris- 
tian fortitude, submitting to the good pleasure of the 
Almighty; sometimes sighing, but never breaking out 
into a passion, or uttering a reproachful or revengeful 
word against any that were his adversaries, saying 
only, ^ God forgive their impiety*." 

And when his majesty was brought the second time 
before the court, in Westminster-hall, "some soldiers 
made a hideous cry for justice, justice; some of the 
officers joining with them. At which uncouth noise 
the king seemed somewhat abashed, but overcame it 
with patience. — As his majesty returned from the Hall 
to Cotton-house, a soldier that was upon the guard said 
aloud as the king passed by, ' God bless you. Sir.' 
The king thanked him; but an uncivil officer struck 
him with his cane upon the head ; which his majesty 

* Sir T. Herbert's Memoin, p. lOS. 


greater than he had lived. His body, after 
his execution, was embalmed, laid in a 

observing, said, the punishment exceeded the offence. 
Being come to his apartment in Cotton-house, he im- 
mediately, upon his knees. Went to prayer. After- 
wards he asked Mr. Herbert, if he heard that cry of the 
soldiers for justice? who answered, he did, and mar* 
veiled thereat. * So did not I (said the king); for I 
am well assured the soldiers bear no malice to me.' 
The cry was no doubt given by their officers, for whom 
the soldiers would do the like, were there occasion*." 
When the president Bradshaw gave judgment against 
him, " the king was observed to smile, and lift up his 
eyes to heaven, as appealing to the Divine Majesty, the 
most supream judge ^. The king, at the rising of 
the court, was with a guard of halberdiers returned to 
Whitehall, in a close chair, through King-street, both 
sides whereof had a guard of foot-soldiers, who were 
silent as his majesty passed. — Nothing of the fear of 
death, or indignities offered, seemed a terror, or pro- 
voked him to impatience; nor uttered he a reproachful 
word, reflecting upon any of his judges (albeit he well 
knew that some of them had been his domestick ser- 
vants), or against any member of the house, or officer 
of the army : so wonderful was his patience, though 
his spirit was great, and might have otherwise expressed 
his resentments upon several occasions. It was a true 
Christian fortitude to have the mastery of his passion, 
and submission to the will of God under such tempta^ 
tions*." I will add but one passage more. " The 
night before his execution, the king continued reading 
and praying more than two hours. The king com- 
manded Mr. Herbert to lie by his bedside upoa a pallat, 
where he took small rest. But nevertheless the king 

' Sir T. Herbert's Memoirs, p. 213. ^ Id. p. 117. ^ Id. p. 118. 

iw^.:. ii r^v 


coffin of lead, and buried at Windsor with- 
out much funeral pomp. This prince left 

for four hours^ or thereabouts^ slept soundly; and 
awaking about two hours afore da\% he opened his cur- 
tain to call Mr. Herbert; there being a great cake of 
wax set in a silver bason, that then, as at ail other times, 
burned all night; so that he perceived him somewhat 
disturbed in sleep: but calling him, bad him rise; ' for/ 
said his majesty, * I will get up, having a great work to 
do this day.' However he would know why he was 
so troubled in his sleep. He replyed, ' May it please 
your majesty, I was dreaming.' ^ I would know 
your dream,' said the king; which being told, his ma- 
jesty said it was remarkable. * Herbert, this is my 
second marriage-day: I would be as trim to-day as 
may be; for before night I hope to be espoused to my 
blessed Jesus.' He then appointed what cloathes he 
would wear: * Let me have a shirt on more than 
ordinary,' said the king, * by reason the season is so 
sharp as probably may make me shake, which some 
observers will imagine proceeds from fear. I would 
have no such imputation. I fear not .death! Death is 
not terrible to me. I bless my God I am prepared *." 
Do not all these passages shew great patience ? Do 
they not manifest much equanimity? — I have said iti 
the text, that his patience or insensibility before, at, 
and after his trial were very remarkable. My reason 
for saying so, will be found in the following passages^ 
which rieave the reader to remark on. 

Burnet, speaking of the trial of Charles, says, " The 
king's party was without spirit : and, as many of them- 
selves have said to me, they could never believe his 
death was really intended, till it was too late. They 
thought all was a pageantry to strike terror, and to 

> Sir T. Herbert's Memoirs, p. 197. 


CHARLES I * 481 

six children : Charles and James, who suo. 
cessively mounted the throne of Great Bri- 

force the king to sach concessions as they had a mind 
to extort from him V — ^* In a journal of Robert earl 
of Leicester, in his own hand-writing, remaining at 
Penshurst-place in Kent, it is related, that after the 
house of lords had laid aside the ordinance for the tryal 
of the king, they adjourned their house for a week. 
The same day from Windsor advice came there, that 
the king seems to be as merry as usual, and saith that 
he fears none. He makes the business talked on a jest; 
and he saith that he hath yet three games to play; the 
last of which gives him hopes of regaining all; and ac- 
cordingly, some do still serve the king on their knees. 
Sir John Temple, in a letter of the 3d of January, writes, 
They go on resolvedly to bring the king Ui justice; 
the ordinance is now passed; the commissioners named ; 
and though the lords refuse to join, yet without ques- 
tion they will go on, and have made sure of twenty 
persons, who are to be of the quorum, that will pro- 
ceed to the trial, though all the rest give out. The 
king takes yet no notice, that I can hear, of the pro- 
ceedings ; gave order, very lately, for saving the seeds 
of some Spanish melons, which he would have set at 
Wimbletoo. He hath a strange conceit of my lord 
OrmoQ^'s working for him in Ireland. He hangs still 
upon the trig, and by the enquiries he made after Iris 
and Inchiquin's conjunction, I see be will not be beatca 
oflFitV • , 

But to go on to the last scene of this prince's life. 
On the SOth of January, in the morning, before his ma- 
jesty, was brought from St. James's, " the bishop of 
London [Juxon] read divine service in his presence, in 

» Burnet, vol. I. p. 70. * Collins't Peerage of England, vol. V. 

p. 180. 8vo. Loud. 1736. 

VOL. J I. I i 

—— ■— 1*— (^M I J I II.. L-J 



^tain; Heiiry duke of GlouceBter, who died 
«f|Dn after tlie Restoration ; Mary, mother 

which the £7th of St. Matthew (the histo/y of our Sa- 
viour's crucifixion) proved the second lesson* The kirtg 
supposing it had been selected on purpose, thanked 
him afterwards for his seasonable choice. But the bishop 
tnodestly declining that undue thanks, told him, that it 
was the lesson appointed by the calendar for that day. 
He also then and there received of the bishop the holy 
facrament, and performed all his devotions in prepa^ 
ration to his passion. VMiidi ended, about ten of the 
clock his majesty was brought from St. James's to 
Whitehall by a regiment of foot — ^the bishop on the on^ 
band, and colonel Thomlinson (who had the chaige of 
him) on the other, both bare-headed. His majesty 
walking very fast, and bidding them go faster, added, 
' That he now went before them to strive for an hea* 
venly crown, with less sollicitude than he bad often 
encouraged his soldiei*s to fight for an earthly dia-^ 
dem \" 

After <his, coming on the scaffold, he made a speech 
(which seems much broken and confused in many 
places), in which he asserted his owtt innocency; de-* 
clared himself to be a good Christian ; siDew^ his an-< 
ditors how they were out of the way, and proposed to 
put them in a way, " which was to give God his due^ 
the king his due (that is, says he, my successors), aad 
tb9 |HK>pIe their due : I am as much foi* them as any of 
yoQ.** — Afterwards he said, " I desire their liberty and 
freedom as much as any whomsoever: but I must tell 
you, that their liberty and freedom consists in having^ 
of government, those laws by which their life and their 
goods may be most tlieir own. It is not for having 
share in government. Sirs ; that is nothing pertaining |^ 

• King Charles's W^orks, p. 2«7. 


jof William III. ; Elizabeth, who died SoOit 
after her father ; and Henrietta, afterwards 

to tliem; sr subject and a sovereign are clear different 
things. And therefore until they do that, I mean that 
you put the people in that liberty as I say, certainly 
they will never enjoy themselves. Sirs, it was for this 
that now I am come here : if I would have given way 
to an arbitrary way, for to have all laws changed ac- 
cording to the power of the sword, I needed not to have 
come here; and therefore I tell you (and I pray God it 
be not laid to your charge), that I am tl^e martyr of the 
people V— -—Then. his majesty, at the bishop's request, 
made a declaration of his dying a Christian, according 
to the profession of the church of England ; saying, he 
bad a good cause, and a gracious God; then giving 
directions to the executioner, his head was, at one 
blow, severed from his body. " Thus," says Sir Rich. 
"Warwick, " this saint and martyr rested from his la- 
bours, and follows the Lamb V 

The behaviour of Charles, in his sufferings^ is 
greatly celebrated by Burnet. 

'* The king himself,'' says he, " shewed a calm Mid 
composed firmjiess^ which amazed all people; and thte 
so much the more, because it was fiot natural to hiM. 
It was imputed to t very extraordinary measure of su- 
pernatural assistance. Bishop Juxon did the duty of 
his function honestly, but with a dry coldness that 
could not raise the king's thoughts: so that it wttl 
owing wholly to somewhat within himself, that ife' 
went thro' so many indignities with so much tftte 
greatness, without disorder or any sort of affectation. 
Thus he died greater than he had lived; and shewed 
that which has been often observed of the whole race 
of the Stuarts, that they bore misfortunes better than 

* King Charles's Works, p. 211. •* Sir R. Warwick** Memwr*, p, 34^. 

1 i 2 

u^ffir :^ if^ri ■', • > 



duchess of Orleans. — He styled himself a 
^lartyr, and has frequently had that title 

prosperity*.** All this seems very plausible: but as 
every thing has two handles, Milton ascribes his beha* 
viour to no such extraordinary principles. — *' Carolum 
81 uiorteai ais [speaking to Salmasius] plane egisse 
vitsB respondentem assentior: si dicis pie & sanct^ & 
secure vitaui finiisse, scito aviam ejus Mariam, infa* 
mem fern i nam, pari in speciem pietate, sanctitate, con-» 
stantia in pegmate, occubuisse: ne animi praeseiitia?^ 
qua3 in morte quibusvis e vulgo maleficis per magna, 
sa^pe est, nimium tribuas : ssepe desperatio aut obfir- 
matus animus fortitudinis quandam speciem & quasi 
personam induit; ssepe stupor tranquillitatis: videri se 
bonos, intrepidos, innocentes, interdum & sanctos pes- 
simi quique non minus in morte quam in vita cupiunt; 
inque ipsa scelqrum suorum capitali pcen& solent ulti- 
mam simulationis suas & fraudum, qukm possunt spe* 
ciosissim^, pompam ducere; & veluti poi§tse aut his- 
triones deterrimi, plausum in ipso exitu ambitiosissime 
captare**." i. e. *Mf you say that Charles died as he 
IVKcd, I agree with you : if you saj that he died 
gfoody, holily, and at ease, yoo may reiuember that 
Jbis:grandmother Mary, an infamous woi&an, died on a 
seafibid with as much outward appearance of piety, 
sanctity, and constancy as he did. And lest yoa 
should ascribe too much to that presence of mind,. 
vhich some comn on malefactors l>ave so great a mea- 
WBflK of at their death, many times despair, and a hard- 
ened heart, put on, as it were, a vizor of courage; and 
stupidity, a shew of quiet and tranquillity of mind: 
souietimes the worst of men desire to appear good, un- 
.daunted, innocent, and now and then religious, not 

* Burnet, voL T. p. 70. See also WhiUock, p. 375« 
Vjtote Works» yoL II. p. 3^3, 

^ Milton'j 

CHAELES I. .485 

given him by his admirers, who have 
also sometimes paralleled him with Jesus 
Christ ''^ : othei's there are indeed who refusch 

only in their life but at their death; and in suffering 
death for their villanies, use to act the last part of their 
hypocrisy and cheats with all the show imaginable; 
and like bad poets, or sta^re-players, are very ambitious 
of being clapped at the end of the play.* The reader 
will please to remember, that I only here act the part 
of an historian, and am no ways answerable for the 
justness of what I cite on this occasion. 

^' He styled himself a Martyr and has been paral- 
lelled with Jesus Christ, &c] On the 29th of January, 
the day before his death, the princess Elizabeth, his 
daughter, was admitted to see him, to whom he said, 
among other things, "That he wished her not to grieve 
and torment herself for him ; for that would be a glo- 
rious death that he should die, it being for the laws and 
liberties of the land, and for maintaining the true pro- 
testant religion.'* And again, he desired her, ** not 
to grieve for him, for he should die a Martyr*." — \nd 
in his speech on the scaffold, he told the spectators 
that *^ he was the Martyr of the people," as I have 
already related. 

And as Charles esteemed himself, so was he esteemed 
by many others. For we; are assured, " that some took 
up his blood, after his execution, as the reliques of a 
martyr. And in some," continues my author, " hath 
had the same effect, by the blessing of God, which 
was oAm found in his sacred touch* when living^.'* 

Afbv^llie Restoration, the memory of this prince ww 
much reveredi and a form of prayer, with fiisting, was 
appoidted by authority to be used yearly upon the 30th 

* Kids Charles's W^ori(s, p. 206. ^ Id. p> d}^. « >> .- 

- ■ ■ ■ -— * *' 

486 ' THE LIFE OF 

to give him the title, or acknowledge the re^ 

of January, being the day of tbe martyrdom of the 
blessed king Charles the First. This is still continued, 
as well as the style and title he thus assumed to him-" 
self, in the anniversary sermons which the return of the 
day of course produces. 

In the text I have observed, that Charles has some-> 
times been paralleled with Jesus Christ. Mr. Symons, 
his vindicator, was the first that, according to the best 
of my knowledge, attempted it. This gentleman, out 
pf bis zeal for the royal cause, even during his majesty's 
life, published, "A true Parallel betwixt theSuflerings 
of our Saviour, and our Sovereign in divers Particu- 
lars;" of whichjas be himself relates it, '^ it was af-* 
firmed, that out of his zeal to flatter the king, he had 
blasphemed Christ*." — Dr. Binks, in ^sermon preached 
the 30th of Jan. 1701, before the lower house of con- 
vocation has the following passages : 

*' And first, as to the near resemblance between the 
paities concerned, as well the actors as. the sufferers, 
comparing those in the text with those of the day. 

" And here one would imagine, that the latter were 
resolved to take St. Paul's expression in the most literal 
sense the words will bear, and crucify to themselves the 
Lord afresh, and, in the nearest likeness that could be^^ 
put him to an open shame. If, with respect to the dig- 
nity of the person, to have bceq born king of the Jewsj 
was what ought to have screened our Saviour from vio^ 
lence, here is also one, not only born to a cro«Kj|f but 
lUStually possessed of it. lie was not only <;<4'^ ^^"g 
\kj sopie, and at the same time derided by others for 
^ng so c^f^ but he was acknowledged by ^U to be 

* Pre&ce to the Parallel^ printed the second tiptf with his Vindication 
rfyjnii Clllia 

CHARLES t. 487 

a kiogi he was-not jiist dressed up for on hour or two 
in purple robes, and saluted with an Hail king, but tlie 
usual ornaments of majesty were his customary ap- 
parel ; his subjects owned htm to be their king, and 
3'et they brought him before a tribunal ; they judged 
him, they condemned him; and that they might not 
be wanting in a|)y thing to set bim at nought, they 
spit upon him, and treated him with the utmost cou- 
tenpt. Our Saviour's declaring that his kingdom was 
not of this world, might look like a^ort pf renuncia^ 
tion of his temporal sovereignty, for the present de- 
siring only to reign in theherts of men : but here was 
nothing of this in the case before us ; here was an in- 
disputable, unrenounced right of sovereignty, both by 
the laws of God and man : he was the reigning prince, 
and the Lord's anointed ; and yet, in despight of all 
law, both human and divine, he was by direct force of 
arms, and the most daring methods of a flagrant re- 
bellion and ' violence, deprived at once of his imperial 
crown and life. The fact of this day was such a vying 
with the first arch-rebel, the apostate angel Lucifei'^ 
it was such a going beyond the old serpent in his own 
way of indolence and pride, that it is no wonder that 
if he then began to- raise his head, and set up for do^ 
minion in this world, when thus warmed and enlivened 
by a fiery zeal in some, and rage in others, to the 
degree of drunkenness, tliirsting after and satiating 
themselves in royal blood ; and in which respect only, 
heated to the degree of frenzy and madness, the plea 
in my text may seem to have some hold of them : Far- 
ther, forgive them, for they know not what they do^.*' 
— ^After this admirable parallel (which yet had the itth^ 
fortune to be censured in the hoase of lords, «s #hikt 
gave just scandal and offence to all christian peoplief), 
the re^ider will perhaps applaud the - modesty W-Mii 

I Torbuck's Parliament&qr Debates, voL III. jp. %S$. 

488 , THE LIFE OF 

poet in the following lines, in which Charles's sufferings 
are be>vailed. 

** Where then, just HeaT*n, was thy unaetivc hand. 
Thy idle thunder, and thy linj^riog brand 1 
Thy adamantine shield, thy angel wings, 
And the great genii of anointed kings ! 
Treason and fraud shall thus the stars regard ! 
And injurM virtue meet this sad reward ! 
So sad, none like can Time's old records tell. 
Though Pompey bled, and poor Daiius fell. 
All names hot one too low-rtbat one too high ; 
All parallel are wrongs, or blasphemy." tickblx. 

In this language speak the friepds and admirers of 
this unfortunate monarch. — But all subscribe not to 
their opinion. A few pitations from different writers 
will fully prove this, 

"Martyrs/* says MiJ ton/' bear witness to the truth, not 
to themselves. If I bear w i tness of my self^ saith Christ, 
iny witness is not true. He who writes himself Mar- 
tyr by his own inscription, is like an ill painter, who, 
by writing on the shapeless picture whiph he hatl^ 
4rawn, is fain to tell passengers what shape it is, \vbich 
else no man could imaginje: no more than bow a ^la|r* 
tyrdom can l^elong to him, who therefore dies for his 
religion because it is estabUihed. Certainly if i\grippa 
bad turned Christian, as he VQs once turning, and had 
put to death 3cfihes and Pharisees for observing the 
law of Moses, and refoiing Christianity, they bad died 
a tnier martyrdom. For those laws were established 
by God, and Moses; these by no warrantable authors 
of religion, •wboie laws in all other bpsc ircfoi-med 
churches are rejepted. And if to diis for an establisfir 
laent of religion be yna^tyrdom, then Romish priests 
executed for that, irbich h^^d so many hundred years 
been est^lished in this land, ar§ no worjse Qiartyrs 
tbfm be* (jMtljf if tq die for th^ ^estipony gf his 
own conscience be enough to make him martyr, what 
hecetick dying for direct blasphemy, as some have done 

CHARLES L 489. . 

coostantly, may not boast a martyrdom ? Ai for the 
constitutiou or repeal of civil laws, that- pow«r lying 
only in the parliament, which he by the veiy law of 
his coronation was to grant them, not to debar them, 
nor to preserve a lesser law with the contempt and vio- 
lation of a greater; it will conclude him not so much 
as, in a civil and metaphorical sense, to have died a 
martyr of our laws, but a plain transgressor of them V 
Mr. Watson concurs with Milton in his opinion that 
Charles was no martyr. Hear his words. 
• " I cannot," says he, *' in conscience, read those 
prayers wherein the king is called a martyr. 1 believe 
the assertion to be false, and therefore why should I 
tell a lye before the God of Truth ! But let us examine 
this point. What is a martyr? He is a witness; fot 
so the word in the original imports. But of what ? for 
every witness, ia the Christian sense of the term, is not 
a martyr. Robert Stephens tells us, that they are mar- 
tyrs who hare died giving a testimony of divinity ta 
Christ. But if this b^e true, king Charles can be 
no martyr ; for he was put to death by those who be- 
lieved in the divinity of Christ as well as he. In Sea* 
pula we read, that with Christians they are peculiarly 
called martyrs who have confirmed the doctrine of 
Christy uot only with words, but with their blood. 
But what riglit has king Charles to be numbered among i 
these? Is it then true, that he laid down his Hfe in vin- 
dication of the New Testament? Strange that hexould 
contrive to do this in .a country, where the authen- 
ticity thereof was not disputed. This net only is ia* 
credible, but the whole current of history is against it* 
What were the grounds then,. for giving him this glo* 
rious title? His dying rather tlian give up episcopacy^ 
is said to be the cause of it. But 'tis a question whe^ 
ibst be did this. I think lord Clarendon has proved 

* Iconoclastes, |>. 86, 2d edit 

P*!."- J'."^--' 

» k— 


tbe contrary *.** — ^The reader may easily determine thif 
poiQt^ if he thinks it worth determining^ by turning to 
Charles's concessions with regard to die episcopal 
iMerarcby, in the note 75. Had the treaty of Newport 
taken effect, those who since have canonized him, would 
have been among the first to load his memory with 
reproaches. — But to go on with Mr. Watson. " My 
charity," says he in another place, " leads me so far, 
that I hope king Charles meant well, when he told the 
princess Elizabeth, that he should die a martvr, and 
when he repeated it afterwards on the scaffold: but 
this might be nothing else but a pleasing deception 
of the mind ; and if saying that he died a martyr^ 
made him such, then the duke of Monmouth also wai 
(he BaiAe; for he died M^th the same words in his 
mouth, which his grandfather king Charles had used 
before him. King Charles 11. seems to have no such 
opinion of the matter; for when a certain lord remind. 
^ his majesty of his swearing in common discourse, 
the king replied, * Your martyr swore more than ever 
I did;' which many have deemed a jest upon the title 
which his father had got**." 

' I will add one authority more against tbe title of 
Martyr, which is so often given to Charles : but it is an 
authority revered by many, and will be esteemed re^ 
ioarkable by most. It is that of the person who 
claims to be the grandson of tliis monarch, and heir to 
his kingdoms. We are indebted for this anecdote, as 
well as for many others equally curious, to the late 
lord Bolingbroke, who had the honour to be his mi^ 
nister. Speaking concerning tlie amendments made 
in the draught of a declaration, at>d other papers, which 
were to be dispersed in Great Britain by the Pretender, 
he has the following passage. ** Since his father 
^Jaiiie$ n.] passes already for a saint, and since reporta 

» Watson's Apdogy, p. 14. ^ Id, p. 24. 



All princes in limited moharchies ought 
to take warning by his fate''^, against 

are encouraged of miracles which they suppose to be 
wrought at his tomb, he might have allowed his grand- 
father to pass for a martyr : but he struck out of the 
draught these words, * that blessed martyr who died for 
his people,* which were applied to king Charles the 
First; and would say nothing more of him, than that 
* he fell a sacrifice to rebellion*." The friends of this 
house, no doubt, will look on the Chevalier, in this 
instaace, as undutiful and ungracious; and such as are 
not so, will stand amazed at his wisdom ! 

i will conclude this note with observing, that Mil- 
ton and Mr. Watson seem to have taken needless pains 
in proving that Charles was not a martyr for his reli- 
gion : we have seen he claimed only to be a " martyr 
of the people.*' 

'^ AH princes in limited monarchies ought to take 
warning by his fate.] " The king of England is the 
guardian of the liberties and rights, religious and civil, 
of bis people. This is his true character, and the onljr 
foumiation of his power : and it was rightly and judi- 
ciously observed by a great minister of a neighbour 
nation, * That a king of England, who will be the mm 
of his people (that is, will be a true guardian of theit 
rights and liberties) is a great prince ; but if he will be. 
more, he is nothing.* 

*' In this situation he hath all the power that a good 
man should take, or a wise man wish; a power to do 
justice, to defend right, and to repress wrong; that 
is, in one word, a power to make his people happy. 
Should a guardian angel wish for more ? and should 
frail and fallen man be trusted or tempted with more *?* 

' * Bolingbroke's Letter to Sir William Wyndliam, p. 281, ^Delany's 
Sermons on Social Duties, p. 304. Bvo. 1744. See also Sir William Tem- 
ple's Works, fol. Lond. 17^, p. 383, (334. 

w:_ . x' *< ■- 


breaking the laws, and niisusing the prero- 

Bat Charles was not content to be the man of his people : 
he would be their master ; he tyrannizfcd over the 
consciences, took the liberty to enslave the bodies^ and 
empty the purses of his subjects, without law, and con- 
trary to law. in a word he attempted to make freemea 
tassals, subjects slaves. 

This, as we have seen, laid his parliament under a 
necessity of consulting their own and the nation's 
safety, of raising an army, of defending themselves 
against the king and his evil counsellors. Their army 
was victorious, and like many other ai'mies, after sub- 
duing their enemies, turned against their masters ; and, 
contrary to their intentions, brought his majesty to 
the block. This in them was illegal. In them it was 
murder : for they had no right or authority, except 
that of the sword. But had Charles confined liimself 
within the bounds of law, and exerted bis prerogati w 
only for the good of the people, all this would liave 
been prevented. Submission would have been paid to 
his commands, the civil war would never have coiuaieiior 
ed, nor would he himself have fallen a sacrifice to the 
ambition, enthusiasm, or safety of the soldiery; So 
t%at Charles was properly the original cause of all hia 
own misfortunes : and his death may be considered as 
*' a monufftent of terror, set up to the princes of a free 
people .to guard them against the least approaches or 
attempts to tyranny : to teach them that no personal 
merit, no excellence of nature, no acquired accomplish^ 
ments, no combination of virtues, can give quiet to 
tlieir reign, or stability to their throne, independent of 
the affections of their people*." 

The following passage of Mr. Locke is worthy the 

* Delaoy's Sermoiii, p. 310. 


attention of princes, as well as of the advocates of 
Charles, who allege the example and practice of his 
predecessors as an extenuation, if not as a jusstification 
of his illegal rule. — ^^ He that will look,^ says that great 
man, " into the history of England, will find that prero- 
gative was always largest in the hands of our wisest 
and best princes; because the people, observing the 
whole tendency of their actions to be the publick good, 
contested not what was done without law to that end ; 
or if any human frailty or mistake (for princes are but 
men, made as others) appeared in some small declina'*> 
tions from that end, yet 'twas visible the main of their 
conduct tended to nothing but the care of the publick. 
The people therefore, fincHng reason to bo satisfied with 
these princes, whenever they acted without or con- 
trary to the letter of the law, acquiesced in what they 
did, and, without the least complaint, let them enlarge 
their prerogative as they pleased; judging rightly, 
that they did nothing herein to the prejudice of their 
laws, since they acted conformable to the foundation 
and end of all laws, the publick good. Such god- 
like princes, indeed, had some title to arbitrary power, 
by that argument that would prove absolute monarchy 
th« best government, as that which God himself 
governs the universe byJJ because such kings partake 
of his wisdom and goodness. Upon this is founded 
that saying, that the reigns of good princes have been 
always most dangerous to the liberties of their people. 
For when their successors, managing the government 
with different thoughts, would draw the actions of 
those good rulers into precedent, and make them the 
standard of their prerogative, as if what had been 
done only for the good of the people, was a right in 
them to do for the harm of the people, if they so 
pleased ; it has often occasioned contest, and sometimes 
publick disorders, before the people could recover their 
original right, and get that to be declared not to be 



prerogative, which truly was never so : since it is im- 
possible that any body in the society should ever have 
a right to do the people harm ; though it be very pos- 
•ible, and reasonable, that the people should not go 
about to set any bounds to the prerogative of those 
kings or rulers, who themselves transgressed not the' 
bounds of the publick good. For the prerogative is 
nothing but the power of doing publick good without a 
rule*." The prince who will bear this maxim in mind^ 
and regulate his conduct by it, needs not fear the fate 
of Charles. His subjects will feel the blessings of his 
government, and cheerfully submit to his wholesome 
rule. Whereas he who imitates this unfortunate 
prince, whose life and actioop have now been opeaed^ 
will probably, like him, feel woes innumerable. 

* Locke on Government, p. 254. 


Since these papers were in the press, there has been 
pubhshed a long-expected work, intitled, " Memoirs 
and Letters of the Marqais of Clanricarde and £ajrl of 
St. Alban's*/' It begins in October 1641, and conti- 
nues down to the 30th of August, 1643; after which 
nothing occurs till the proceedings in the treaty be- 
tween the duke of Lonain's ambassador and his lord- 
ship. These commence Felju 27> I6d0, and end in Au- 
gust 1652. 

I have taken the trouble, few readers will, to read it 
through, though I am far from repenting it: for the 
marquis was a man of sense and honour, and zealous 
for the service of his master, Charles ; who appears not 
either advantageously or disadvantageously in this vo« 
lume, unless it, be in the aifair of the cessation with the 
Irish, which he ordered Ormonde to carry on with the 
greatest secrecy. " There is a power come to Or- 
monde, (says Mr. Justice Donalien, in a letter to 
Clanricarde, received AijPf H, 1643) to conclude a 
cessation for a year here. The king would have it car- 
ried with secrecy : I and. one more only are made ac- 
quainted with it^." And in another letter, received at 
the same time, the same gentleman tells his lordship, 
" There is a second letter come to Ormonde from the 
king, to hasten the cessation I spoke of." — One pas- 
sage more, concerning Charles, there is in a letter from 
the marquis of Ormonfe to the earl of Clanricarde, 
dated Feb. 4, 1642. "The king is very strong," says 
Ormonde, " and increases daily : the only fear is, he 
may meet with such counsellors as will sacrifice his 
affairs to their own ends and safety*^." 

• Folio. Lond. 1757. * Pa^ !2t99; ^ l>ag. 3S9. 


406 APPENtolXr^ ^ 

The following accpunts of the Irish rebellion, as his 
lordship was a confirmed catholic^ will not perhaps be 

unacceptable to the curious. " Upon the S7th of 

November 1041, I went from Tuam to ShreuU, a fair 
strong castle of my own in the county of Mayo, but 
divided from the county by the river, upon the which 
is a fair stone bridge, made- since most infamous by 
the horrid and bloody murder of about one hundred 
English and Scots, most of them massacred by their 
own convoys, before they could attain into this county 
over the bridge. Out of this inhuman massacre very 
strangely escaped Maxwell, lord bishop of Killala, and 
his wife and children*. 

" Jan. — I repaired to Longhreah. There I received 
constant intelligence of the general defection of the 
whole kingdom, and of the particular malice against 
ttie for my opposition against their proceedings; the 
disorders, spoils, and robberies increasing in the 
county itself, and underhand receiving countenance 
and encouragement from those whom I had entrusted 
for preserving the peace, quiet, and obedience of the 
country V 

And in a letter to lord Essex, dated May 22, 1642, 
he says, " The barbarous murthers that have been com- 
mitted there [in Ireland], are not to be thought of but 
with horror'." 

After this, no one, I presume, will pretend to doubt 
of the reality and barbarity of the Irish rebellion. 

• Folio. Loud. 1757. Pag. 21. ► Pag. 65. « Pag. 149. 


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